The Influence of Hellenistic Secular Poetry Upon the Dead Sea Scrolls by Glen G. Aduana (gaduana@sas.upenn.edu), May 1995 Elusive, or allusive as they may be, literatures tend toward self-reference. When Catullus wrote his poems, he frequently alluded to Callimachus as his model. Plautus harkens back to Menander, Vergil to Homer, Indiana Jones and the the Raiders of the Lost Ark to Alan Quartermain and King Solomon's Mines. It is reasonable to argue that most writers, even the most innovative, nevertheless produce work which remains inextricably linked to the author's own culture, even if only at the most allusive level. Therefore, when two cultures meet, finding evidence of such a communion should be possible with an examination of the extant literary sources. Thus, the Dead Sea Scrolls discovery may potentially aid our understanding of Judaism and Hellenism's encounter in antiquity. When Alexander the Great, king of Macedon, stormed through the Persian Empire of Darius III in 334 BC, Greek language and culture followed in his wake. Greece, no longer confined to her city-states, enlarged into an oikumene (inhabited world) along with a new universal tongue, the koine (common speech). This new universality brought about a common education, a common literature -- a common culture within every city of the "inhabited world." Today, we call this process Hellenism. Two examples of the wide effect of Alexander's conquest are the Septuagint (the Greek translation of the Old Testament), and the writing of the New Testament in Greek. Alexander's death splits his kingdom into several factions, and Jerusalem enters the world of Western power struggles and politics, tossed back and forth among Alexander's successors: Ptolemy in 320, Eumenes in 318, Antigonus in 315, Ptolemy again in 312, Antigonus again later in 312, and then the Ptolemies in 302 to be held until the Seleucid conquest of 198. After two centuries of protection under the watchful eye of the Persian archers, Jerusalem changes hands seven times within less than twenty years. Eventually, Hellenistic culture begins to take hold among Jews themselves, especially ones among the upper classes and the priesthood, with resentment from other quarters. Look no further than 2 Maccabees for a contemporary (though by no means unbiased) account of Hellenistic influence: "When...Jason came to office, he at once shifted his compatriots over to the Greek way of life. He set aside the existing royal concessions to the Jews, secured through John the father of Eupolemus, who went on the mission to establish friendship and alliance with the Romans; and he destroyed the lawful ways of living and introduced new customs contrary to the law. He took delight in establishing a gymnasium right under the citadel, and he induced the noblest of the young men to wear the Greek hat. There was such an extreme of Hellenization and increase in the adoption of foreign ways because of the surpassing wickedness of Jason, who was ungodly and no true high priest, that the priests were no longer intent upon their service at the altar. Despising the sanctuary and neglecting the sacrifices, they hurried to take part in the unlawful proceedings in the wrestling arena after the signal for the discus-throwing, disdaining the honors prized by their ancestors and putting the highest value upon Greek forms of prestige. For this reason heavy disaster overtook them, and those whose ways of living they admired and wished to imitate completely became their enemies and punished them. It is no light thing to show irreverence to the divine laws -- a fact that later events will make clear." (2Mac. 4.10-4.17) A number of clear cultural symbols are made explicit in this passage. The first, perhaps not obvious one, is the name Jason itself -- a Greek name which Joshua, the man referred to in this passage, took on. Among the "new customs contrary to the law" which Jason implemented include: the establishment of a gymnasium, the focus for Greek political and cultural education [scroll ref]; the Greek hat, which was Hermes' broad rimmed cap, carrying cultural significance; the wrestling and discus throwing, Greek pasttimes. We see also the extreme reaction to this "extreme of Hellenization" and "adoption of foreign ways": implications that these ways of life were "irreverence to the divine laws"; Jason himself was "ungodly," and "surpassing[ly wicked]." The section ends with the xenophobic hindsight that "heavy disaster" would come to them. Indeed, the last Seleucid king Antiochus IV (Epiphanes) went so far as to build a citadel within Jerusalem known as the Akra, and an altar to Zeus within the temple. When he forbade Jewish religious practice, a popular revolt led by Mattahias and the Maccabean family (or the Hasmoneans), overthrew overt Hellenistic rule until the Roman domination of the city in 63, being replaced altogether by Herod in 37. Yet despite this severe counterreaction, Hellenistic influences still marked Jewish culture uninterruptedly even under the Hasmoneans. The Sadduceean sect, supported by the priest-kings, were very much influenced by Hellenism, and the rulers themselves take on Hellenistic names: Aristobulus (gr: excellent advisor), Hyrcanus' son, for example. Jewish literature begins to be written in Greek, encouraged by the Hasmoneans, and even Greek literary styles appear: Jason of Cyrene's extensive work on the revolt of Judas Maccabeus was written in the manner of Hellenistic historiography [a]. Hellenistic cultural influence becomes even stronger with Rome's arrival [b]. The Dead Sea Scrolls, all authored sometime in the Hasmonean dynasty during the last two centuries BC, are a product of this dynamic interchange between two (and even more, counting Near Eastern influence) cultures. A brief passage in 4QNahum Pesher along with an incident described by Josephus in Ant. XIII provides an historical backdrop for the Scrolls: [...Nah 2:12] residence for the wicked of the nations. For a lion went to go in it, a lion cub [without anyone confirming him. Its interpretation concerns Deme]trius, king of Yavan, who wanted to enter Jerusalem on the advice of those looking for easy interpretations, [but he did not go in because God did not deliver Jerusalem] into the hands of the kings of Yavan from Antiochus up to the appearance of the chiefs of the Kittim. But later, it [=Jerusalem] will be trampled. (Frags. 3+4 col. I 1-3) * And when [Alexander] asked what he ought to do and what they wanted to have happen, they all cried out to murder him; and they sent for Demetrius Akairos [the king of Syria], asking him to come to their assistance. So [Demetrius] arrived with an army and taking along those who had summoned him, encamped around the city of Shechem....both sides engaged in battle, Demetrius won, and all the mercenaries of Alexander were slain...so Alexander fled to the mountains, where out of pity for him at this reverse six thousand Jews gathered to him. And at this Demetrius grew alarmed and withdrew from the land. (376-379) This incident, in 88 BC, provides not only a terminus pro quem for this pesher, but also a clue as to the author's position within the Jewish world. Whoever wrote the pesher wrote it at least after 88 BC, during the Hasmonean period, very possibly after the first appearance of the Romans [=Kittim, as in the Targumic Numbers] as a political force in Jerusalem (after 63), and perhaps even past the fall of Jerusalem in 70 by the last phrase. Moreover, the author places himself in implicit opposition to those who sought Demetrius to enter Jerusalem, those "looking for easy interpretations." Moreover, the pesher's later reference to the young lion's vengeance against those looking for easy interpretations parallels Alexander's destruction of the Pharisees. Thus, whomever wrote the scrolls is unlikely to have been from the Pharisaic sect, and is very likely to have supported Alexander Jannaeus. Examining the practices and social structure outlined by the Manual of Discpline and the Damascus Document reveal more about the author's place in the Hellenistic World: The princes of Judah...did not keep apart from the people and have rebelled with insolence, walking on the path of the wicked, about whom God says: [Dt. 32:33] <>. The serpents are the kings of the peoples and the wine their paths and the asps' head is the head of the kings of Greece, which comes to carry out venegeance against them. But all these things the builders of the wall or those who daub with whitewash, have not understood, for one who raises wind and preaches lies, has preached to them, the one against whose congregation God's wrath has been kindled. (Col. VIII 2-12) And all the wood and the stones and the dust which are defiled by man's impurity, by defilement of oil in them, in accordance with their uncleanness will make whoever touches them impure. (Col. XII 15-17) The first passage shows no immediate hostility toward Greece, indeed Greece here takes righteous action against the congregation of the man of lies. The second passage shows a more subtle point, which indicates a stance away from Hellenism: "defiled by man's impurity, by defilement of oil" shows that the purity laws asserted by the author prohibit the use of oil. Such a practice of annointing the body with oil was common within the Greek gymnasium, the symbolic focus of Hellenism. A purity law forbidding its use would indirectly prohibit using the gymnasium. However, this does not indicate that Greek culture in itself was considered wrong [c]. In fact, even the social structure of the group described in the Manual of Discipline indicates a close parallel to contemporary Hellenistic guilds and associations [d]. It must be remembered, however, that neither the Manual of Discipline nor the Damascus Document can be conclusively identified as being written by or for any specific sect, but strongly suggest that the cultural ideas expressed in them apply to the author's community at large. Thus, the background provided by the Scrolls themselves indicate that the author's cultural background was no doubt influenced by Hellenism [e], but show no signs of either whole-hearted acceptance or rejection of its ideals [f]. Indeed, finding any overt references to Hellenistic ideals would likely be rare indeed. In Hengel's excellent compendium Judaism and Hellenism, he outlines four problems which we face in tracing Hellenistic literary allusions: 1) the problem of interpretation (what Hengel terms "the language problem"), that Greek cultural conceptions would become invariably altered during the translation into the Hebrew and Aramaic. Thus, only with overt Graecisms can we safely assume that Hellnistic influence is present separate from extrapolation along Jewish thought. Fortunately, the Dead Sea Scrolls are not bereft of Greek loan words: the copper scroll contains several Greek loanwords, and it along with the horoscopes found among the scrolls contain cryptic Greek letters [g]. Some Greek fragments were also found [h]. 2) dating of the documents. In this case, the explicit references we already discussed place the scrolls well within the sphere of Hellenistic influence. 3) both the Greek and Jewish ideas are similar not because of any direct influences on each other, but from a common cultural background. 4) the texts we examine are fragmentary and may represent a conscious selection process by social groups whose task was the repudiation of Hellenism or any other foreign influence. Bear these in mind as we now examine the literary evidence from the Scrolls. Halleluia of David, son of Jesse. I was smaller than my brothers and younger than my father's sons; he put me as shepherd of his flock and master of his kid goats. My hands made a flute, my fingers a lyre, and I gave glory to YHWH. I said to myself: the mountains do not witness in his favour, nor do the hills proclaim on his behalf, nor the trees his words, or the sheep his deeds. Who, then, is going to announce and who will speak and who will narrate the deeds of the Lord? God saw everything he heard everything and listened. He sent his prophet to anoint me Samuel, to make me great. My brothers went out to meet him well built, very presentable. They were quite tall, they had attractive hair, but YHWH God did not choose them, instead he sent to fetch me from following the flock and anoninted me with holy oil and set me as leader of his people /and chief of/ the sons of his covenant. (Col. XXVIII (Psalm 151) 3-11) This Psalm will illustrate many of the difficulties involved in tracing outside influences upon the author. There is an ambiguity of interpretation which includes the third stanza; consider the NSRV translation: The mountains do not witness to him, nor do the hills proclaim; The trees have cherished my words and the flock my works. This clearly indicates that the trees and the sheep listened to David whereas the mountains and hills did not. Such imagery reminds us of the mythic figure Orpheus, whose legendary singing was so powerful that the entire countryside was moved when he played. Such an image was not unconceivable at that time: an excavation at Dura-Europos revealed a fresco which appears to be an Orphic David [i], and also at a Jewish catacomb [j]. Furthermore, other Hellenistic features of the poem tend to support this reading. David's brothers are noted for their attractive hair. Usually Near Eastern Verse focused more upon the eyes as an attractive feature. This, and other parallels can be seen in the pastoral poetry of Theocritus: So brown and bright are the tresses light that toss that shoulder above. (V. 91) So far Damoetas, and kissed Daphnis, and that to this gave a pipe and this to that a pretty flute. Then lo! the piper was neatherd Daphnis and the flute-player Damoetas, and the dancers were the heifers who forthwith began to bound mid the tender grass. (VI. 42-45) My pipers shall be two shepherds...How the hills were troubled around him and the oaks sang dirges above. (VII 71-74) ...and the herdsman's pipe thou once didst make thyself... (IV 28) The close similarity in imagery does not provide conclusive evidence, however. Clearly, the Psalm possesses a moral tone very different from that found in Theocritus. Indeed, nothing within the text of the Psalm itself gives direct evidence of any overt allusions to Hellenism which could not also be products of Jewish literature as well. Instead, our only evidence tends to indicate that Hellenism acted more as a backdrop for the author's work rather than a driving force in its creation. Support for this can be seen with the following two poems which describe in allegorical terms Wisdom and Vice: Although still young, before going astray I searched for her. Beautiful she came to me when at last I found her. As falls the flower when grapes are ripening making the heart happy, directly walked my foot for since my youth I have known her. Hardly me ear I bent and found great allure. Wet-nurse was she for me on my mistress I conferred my honour. Zealous for good, I decided to enjoy myself ceaselessly. Charred was my soul for her I did not give in. Torrid my desire for her and on her heights I was not serene. Yes, 'my hand' opened [her doors] and I inspected her nakedness. Cleansed then 'my hand' [...] (Col.XXI (Hymn to wisdom = Ben Sira 51:13-19) She [...] utters futility and in [...] She is always looking for depravities, and whets the words of her mouth, and implies insult, and is busy leading the community astray with nonsense. Her heart weaves traps, her kidneys [nets.] [Her eyes] have been defiled with evil her hands go down to the pit her feet sink to act wickedly and to walk towards crimes. [Her...] are foundations of darkness, and there are sins a-plenty in her wings. [Her...] are night gloom and her clothes [...] Her veils are shadows of the twilight and her adornments diseases of corruption. Her beds are couches of corruption [...] of deep ditches. Her lodgings are couches of darkness and in the heart of the night are her tents. In the foundations of gloom she sets up her dwelling and camps in the tents of silence. In the midst of eternal fire is her inheritance, and those who shine do not enter. She is the start of all the ways of wickedness. Alas! She is the ruination of all those who grasp her. For her paths are paths of death, and her roads, tracks to sin. Her trails lead astray towards wickedness and her pathways, to the guilt of transgression. Her gates are the gates of death, and in the entrance to her house, Sheol proceeds. All those who go to her will not come back, and all those who inherit her will sink to the pit. She hides in ambush, in secret places [...] all [...] In the city squares she veils herself, and stations herself in the gates of the village, and there is no-one who interrupts her in [her] incessant [fornicating.] Her eyes scan hither and yon, and she raises her eyebrows impudently, to spot the just man and overtake him, and the important man, to trip him up. To contort the path of the upright, to divert the righteous chosen from its precepts, to make those who rely on her, fall into ridicule, to alter the standard of those who walk honestly. To make the simple rebel against God, to turn their steps off the paths of justice, to lead the [...] into a trap, so that they do not persist in correct paths. To sidetrack man into the paths of the pit, and seduce the sons of men with smooth words. (4QWiles of the Wicked Woman (4Q184)) Both these poems represent the abstract concepts of Wisdom and Vice through a feminine metaphor. This personification (present also in Proverbs) seems to recall the traits of the Hellenistic goddesses: Isis, or, Arete, for Wisdom; Tyche, or, Kakia, for Vice. This idea of a feminine counterpart to the masculine Yahweh does not appear until the late third century BC, when Hellenism starts to take hold. Hesiod's Theogony and Works and Days give similar descriptions involving Metis, goddess of Wisdom. Xenophon describes a very similar episode in the fable of Prodicus, where Heracles meets with Arete (Wisdom) and Kakia (Vice): And there appeared two women of great stature making towards him. The one was fair to see and of high bearing; and her limbs were adorned with purity, her eyes with modesty; sober was her figure, and her robe was white. The other was plump and soft, with high feeding. Her face was made up to heighten its natural white and pink, her figure to exaggerate her height. Open-eyed was she; and dressed so as to disclose all her charms. How she eyed herself; anon looked whether any noticed her; and often stole a glance at her own shadow. (Memorabilia, II.i.22) The suggestion that the Scrolls evoke the Hellenistic goddesses of the Mysteries becomes strengthened when you consider the structural similarity which the Manual of Discipline describes with contemporary associations. Still, I propose that we interpret the passages not as showing any direct influence, but rather that they represent a reaction to Hellenization within the author's society. Assuming that the author wrote during a period comparable with the rest of the scrolls, then he would be writing during a time when Hellenism was very much a fact of life. Thus, it is very likely that he would know of the feminine cosmology which characterized Hellenistic spirituality. The author's own allegorical representation of Wisdom and Vice would most likely evoke such a connection. Thus, when we read of the Wiles of the Harlot, we can suggest that the Harlot here represents a foreign spiritual idea. The poem warns against being led astray by these thoughts, and encourages the reader to follow Wisdom instead. The Xenophon passage goes on to describe the struggle and toil necessary to follow Virtue, which is paralleled in the scrolls with "I know the struggle it takes to do good." (4Q185.15) Note that many of the images used to describe Vice are the same negative connotations associated with Hellenizing forces in Jewish society. The pro-Hellenist Jason was considered ungodly, wicked (for "Her trails lead atray toward wickedness") and a transgressor when he implemented his reforms, just as Vice leads good men away from God and proper conduct ("to divert the righteous chosen from its precepts") and onto paths of death -- the heavy disaster which Jason experienced at the hands of the Maccabees. Vice is described as mouthing nonsense to "lead the community astray" and tempts the upright with "smooth words." Such phrasing evokes the earlier passages we read against the ones who seek easy interpretations, the ones who sought the aid of the Greek king Demetrius. Althogether we see a conscious reaction against Hellenistic influence, written through imagery and metaphor. "indignation rules us," says another passage (4Q501.6) "on account of the tongue of the insolent." Although the Dead Sea Scrolls show clear signs of the larger Hellenistic world its authors were embedded within, there is at the same time a conscious repudiation of foreign influence within the scrolls. The Hodayot, which are possibly the most original literary documents among the Scrolls, and which would thus indicate the authors' stand towards Hellenism, are bereft of any such reference, save for some phrases which could possibly refer to Homer (divine "arrows" as a metaphor for disaster). In all this it must be borne in mind that the evidence we possess is fragmentary and incomplete. Although there are many compelling potential foreign influences in the Scrolls, especially the idea that the Hellenistic mysteries played a role in its theology [k], the most "influence" we can trace would seem more properly placed as a background for the author's work, or even a negative influence held sway. Notes a. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, p. 104 b. See Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine for a thorough study of Hellenism's effect upon Rabbinic and Later Jewish literature. c. In later Rabbinic writing, a question arises as to the rectitude of reading Homer. Such practice in and of itself was not wrong, except that it took time away from the study of the Torah. d. See Moshe Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern and Penal Code of the Qumran Sect. e. As shown by the structural similarities with Hellenistic associations, and possible Stoic ideals within the Manual of Discipline pertaining to its eschatology. f. Such is the case with Greek names as well, which were simply a feature of the Jewish aristocracy and did not indicate either a political leaning for or against the Maccabeans or Hellenists. g. See J. Allegro, JSS 9, 1964, 291-4 h. Scraps of the Septuagint, used presumably to teach Greek speaking novitiates before their initiation. Note that the overseer in the Damascus Document is required to know the tongue of the people in the camp. This would include Koine, in all likelihood. i. See C.H. Kraeling, The Excavations at Dura-Europus, Sixth Season (1936), p370; Rachel Wischnitzer, The Messianic Theme in the Paintings of the Dura Synagogue (1948), p4-5. j. See Gaster, p 133; the Vigna Randanini, on the Via Appia. k. Such an examination would be out of the purview of this paper. However, note the document 4Q298: [Wo]rds of the Sage to the Sons of Dawn: Listen to [me a]ll men of heart and [those who pur]sue justice. Understand my words and you shall be seekers of truth....with the purpose that you understand the time of eternity and you examine the ancient things, to know (4Q298.col I 1-2;col III 8) This idea of a mystery granted to the elect, the conception of the time of eternity, Philo's statement that he was intitiated into some sort of Jewish mystery cult, together with the organizational similarity the group holds with contemporary cultic groups, and we see a group that is potentially influenced by mystery religion.