William Mitchell Ramsay, <t>The Cities and Bishoprics of
Phrygia, being an Essay of The Local History of Phrygia from the
Earliest Times to the Turkish Conquest</>, volume 1 <t>The Lycos
Valley and South-Western Phrygia</> (Oxford: Clarendon 1895).
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---
CHAPTER 3
HIERAPOLIS\1/: THE HOLY CITY
§ 1. Situation and Origin . . . . . . . . . . . [[84]]
§ 2. Religious Character . . . . . . . . . . . [[85]]
§ 3. Mother Leto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[89]]
§ 4. Leto and Kora . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[91]]
§ 5. The God . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[93]]
§ 6. Matriarchal System . . . . . . . . . . . . [[94]]
§ 7. The Brotherhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[96]]
§ 8. Religion of Burial . . . . . . . . . . . . [[98]]
§ 9. The God as Ruler and Healer . . . . . . . [[101]]
§ 10. Trade-Guilds . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[105]]
§ 11. History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[107]]
§ 12. Magistrates and Municipal Institutions . . [[109]]
§ 13. The Gerousia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[110]]
Appendices :
I. Inscriptions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[115]]
II. Bishops . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . [[120]]
III. Phrygia Hierapolitana . . . . . . . . . . . [[121]]
/---
\1/ Dr. C. Humann told me that a party directed by him explored
Hierapolis carefully in 1887 (some months after my last visit)
and copied over 300 inscriptions. These are certain to add much
additional knowledge at some future time, when they are
published. [[Find out if they were published, add info. here]]
Mr. Hogarth's article on 'The Gerousia of Hierapolis' in
<ti>Journal of Philology</> XIX p. 69 f is referred to in this
chapter as 'Hogarth p. --.'
\---
§ 1. SITUATION AND ORIGIN. Facing Laodiceia at a distance of six
miles to the north was the 'Holy City,' Hiera Polis, situated on
a shelf, about 1,100 feet above the sea and 150-300 above the
plain, close under the mountains that bound the Lycos valley on
the northeast; and twelve miles north-west of Hierapolis, on the
west bank of the Maeander, three miles above its junction with
the Lycos, was Tripolis, founded by the Pergamenian kings to
counterbalance the Seleucid proclivities of Laodiceia.
Hierapolis, in contrast to these two Greek cities, which lay one
on each side of it, was the centre of native feeling and Phrygian
nationality in the valley; and the character of the three cities,
each representing a different influence, makes them a
representation in miniature of the development of Phrygia
throughout the many centuries during which European influence
struggled to conquer and hold Phrygia. But, of the three,
Hierapolis is best calculated to show us what the Phrygian spirit
became under the influence of Greek literature and Roman
organization. Addend. 28.
Lydia, Phrygia, and Caria met in the Lycos valley. Strabo p. 629
[[85]]
and Herodotus VII 3 considered that the boundary between Lydia
and Phrygia lay east of Hierapolis, so that this city was Lydian.
But Xenophon, Anab. I 2, 6, puts the boundary west of Hierapolis,
at the crossing of the Maeander, including the city in Phrygia;
and this was the generally adopted view, which we shall
follow\2/.
Hierapolis is marked by its very name as a religious city. On
the analogy of such phrases as 'the Holy City of the Olbians\3/,'
we must interpret Hierapolis as the Holy City of the tribe or
race which inhabited the district; and this title gradually fixed
itself as the name of the city which grew up around the
<gk>hieron</>. The tribe as a whole was called Hydreleitai\4/,
and they appear to have had also another central city, Hydrela or
Kydrara, which originally commanded the whole territory bounded
by Colossai on the east, Laodiceia on the south, tud Mossyna on
the north. But the priestly village round the <gk>hieron</> grew
into a city which under the Empire quite overshadowed Hydrela.
Both struck coins; both were in the Cibyratic <lt>conventus</>;
but the Holy City became one of the greatest centres of Phrygian
life, while Hydrela sank into a mere adjunct of Hierapolis and
was subject to the bishop of that city in Christian time. But in
older times Kydrara was the chief city. Xerxes passed by it on
his march from Colossai by the direct road to Sardis. At
Kydrara, (i.e. in its territory) an inscribed pillar marked the
bounds of Lydia and Phrygia. Here the road towards Caria went
off to the left (crossing the Lycos, and passing by the temple of
Men Karou and the hot springs of Karoura), while that towards
Sardis crossed the Maeander and passed by Tripolis and
Kallatebos\5/.
§ 2. RELIGIOUS CHARACTER. The history of Hiera-Polis-Kydrara, was
determined by the natural features of its situation. In no place
known to the ancients was the power of Nature more strikingly
revealed. The waters of almost all the streams in the Lycos
valley deposit limestone; but the splendid hot springs at
Hierapolis surpass all the rest in this quality. If a tiny jet
of water is made to flow in any direction, it soon constructs for
itself a channel of stone\6/. The
/---
\2/ Even Ptolemy, who retains the old classification of Laodiceia
and Tripolis to Caria, ranks Hierapolis in Phrygia.
\3/ On coins <gk>'OX)3f'wv @g t(pav (7r6XEw@)</> see Ch. I § 6.
\4/ See Ch. V § 9.
\5/ M. Radet takes a different view, BCH 1891 p. 376f, which
contradicts our whole scheme of topography of the Lycos valley,
and makes Xerxes march by a circuitous path over more difficult
ground for no apparent reason. On the topographical question see
pp. 6, 37, 52, 160, 164, 173 n, 174.
\6/ Vitruvius, VIII 3, 10, describes the process; and he is
confirmed by Strabo, p. 629, and by the eyes of every traveller.
\---
[[86]]
precipices immediately south of the city, about 100 feet or more
in height, over which the water tumbles in numerous little
streams, have become 'an immense frozen cascade, the surface
wavy, as of water in its headlong course suddenly petrified'
(Chandler p. 287). The gleaming white rocks, still called Pambuk-
Kalessi\7/,arrest the attention of the traveller from the west,
at the first glance which is opened to him over the valley\8/.
Even more remarkable than this was the Ploutonion or Charonion
(Strabo pp. 580, 629), a hole just wide enough to admit a man,
reaching, deep into the earth, from which issued a mephitic
vapour, the breath of the realm of death. In the fourth century
the hole had disappeared\9/, and the poisonous character of the
exhalations was a tradition of the past. But Strabo had seen the
place, and had experimented on sparrows, and he assures us that
the vapour killed living things exposed to it. There is other
evidence to the effect that not merely in Hierapolis, but also in
many places in Phrygia, the mephitic vapour from holes in the
earth drew down birds flying over them\10/; this is perhaps only
an exaggerated statement of the facts as mentioned by Strabo.
Between A.D. 19 and 380 the Charonion had disappeared\11/. What
was the reason? I think we must attribute it to the action of
the Christians, who had deliberately filled up and covered over
the place, the very dwelling-place of Satan. Christian tradition
has preserved
/---
\7/ I.e. Cotton-Castle. The name is often corrupted in the
peasants' language into meaningless forms like Tambuk; and this
his led some recent travellers, who show a praiseworthy accuracy,
but are not familiar with the extraordinary tendency of the
peasants in Turkey to distort names, to doubt the reality of the
name Pambuk.
\8/ The name Chrysoroas, applied to a river-god on coins of
Hierapolis, must designate the hot-spring, whose abundant water
has formed the very surface of the ground on which the city
stands, and was the cause of its attractiveness and of its
religious importance. My friend Mr. Walker told me that its
waters, after tumbling over the cliffs, flow for a short distance
south through the plain until they reach a hole in the ground
into which they disappear. I have not seen this phenomenon,
which is unknown to all the travellers; but Mr. Walker is a
perfect authority on such a point. The Chrysorrhoas is given, as
it were, by 'the God' to enrich Hierapolis, and is then taken
back to himself. See Ch. VI § 1.
\9/ '<lt>Foramen apud Hierapolim Phrygiae antehac, ut adserunt
aliqui, videbatur: unde emergens ... noxius spiritus perseveranti
odore quidquid prope venerat corrumpebat, absque spadonibus
solis</>.' Ammian. XXIII 6, 18.
\10/ <gk>, @@v- - - - -.@ Lirti)rt-roliE'vovv rcoi, !ULO-7r@IAEVO
OPVL'OWV V, '8c!t, Z)g 'AO@P,7o-L' @ i E'(TTLY ip 7rpo86p(p -
ro@ rlapOEYCovov KnL 7roX-XUXIIO 'r@V -DPVYCOV K. ' t Av8@vy@s-,</>
Philostr. <ti>vit. Apoll.</> II 10.
\11/ Some scholars quote Ammianus as saying merely that the
Charonion had lost its poisonous properties; but he says clearly
that it was no longer visible.
\---
[[87]]
a distorted memory of the facts. The Apostle Philip was
described as the evangelist of Tripolis, and as closely connected
also with Hierapolls. There his chief enemy was the Echidna, in
which form Satan deluded the inhabitants of Hierapolis. John,
who had already expelled the aboininable Artemis from Epbesos,
visited Philip in Hierapolis, and the united efrorts of the two
Apostles drove away the Echidna\12/. It lay in the character and
nature of tradition to attribute the expulsion of the Echidna to
the Apostles; but history, if materials for writing it survived,
would show the Echidna surviving as the chief enemy of
Christianity throughout the second and third centuries. It is
probable that the Christians took advantage of the victory of
Constantine over Licinius to destroy the Charonion: that would
imply that the new religion was the ruling power within the city
in 320 A. D., which is probable from other reasons.
Now let us consider the character of the Anatolian religion. Its
essence lies in the adoration of the life of Nature -- that life
subject apparently to death, yet never dying but reproducing
itself in new forms, different and yet the same. This perpetual
self-identity under varying forms, this annihilation of death
through the power of self-reproduction, was the object of an
enthusiastic worship, ebaracterized by remarkable self-
abandonment and immersion in the divine, by a mixture of obscene
symbolism and sublime truths, by negation of the moral
distinctions and family ties that exist in a more developed
society, but do not exist in the free life of Nature. The
mystery of self-reproduction, of eternal unity amid temporary
diversity, is the key to explain all the repulsive legends and
ceremonies that cluster round that worship, and all the manifold
manifestations or diverse embodiments of the ultimate single
divine life that are carved on the rocks of Asia Minor,
especially at Pteria (Boghaz-Keui).
Hierapolis was marked as a seat of such a religion, and a place
of approach to God; and a great religious establishment
(<gk>hieron</>) existed there. As Greek manners and language
spread, a Greek name for the city came into use. At first it war
called Hiero-polis, the city of the <gk>hieron</>; and on a few
coins of Augustus this name appears. But as the Greek spirit
became stronger in the Lycos valley, the strict Greek form, Hiera
Polis, established itself\13/. Under the Roman
/---
\12/ See M. Bonnet <ti>Narratio de Mirac. Chonis patr.</> 1.
This document, as we have it, was written in the eighth or ninth
century (<ti>Church in Emp.</> Ch. XIX). If we possessed the
<ti>Acta Philippi</> complete, we should probably find an older
tradition, which had taken shape before the Charonion
disappeared. Add. 15.
\13/ Throughout the hellenized East the same rule holds. Such
cities are originally called Hiero-polis, the city round the
<gk>hieron</>; when the city becomes more thoroughly grecized,
the name becomes Hiera-Polis. Often we find that literary men
used the correct term Hiera-Polis, where the city officials and
the vulgar used Hieropolis. See p. 107.
\---
[[88]]
Empire, Hierapolis was penetrated with the Graeco-Roman
civilization, as is natural from its geographical position, and
as is proved by the personal names in the inscriptions, few of
which are Anatolian, while Greek and even Latin names abound\14/.
Greek became the sole language of the city, and a veneer of Greek
civilization spread over it; but the veneer was much thinner than
at Laodiceia or Apameia. Hierapolis maintained its importance
through its religious position; and its remains and history bear
witness to the strength of the religious feeling in it. The
religion continued to be Lydo-Phrygian, and even Greek names for
the gods were used less in Hierapolis than in many other cities.
Even on coins, which usually show the hellenized spirit most
strongly, many traces of a native religious character appear, the
gods <gk>AAIPBHNOC, APXHRETHC, ZEYC.BOZIOC\15/, ZEYC-TPniOC</>,
and the heroes <gk>MO+OC</> and <gk>TOPPHBOC</>\16/ (the former
probably symbolizing the prophetic power, and the latter the
priestly office; Mopsos is widely known as a prophet from
Colophon to Cilicia; Torrebos, clad in a long cloak, holds a
statuette of the goddess, and leans on a lyre). Such types as
Hades-Serapis with Kerberos, Men, Rape of Proserpina, Men
standing or on horseback (called generally an Amazon), head of
the Sun-god radiated, Apollo bearing the lyre, Dionysos,
Asklepios, Nemesis, and Selene in <lt>biga</>, illustrate the
character of the cultus; and the type of a bull's head,
surmounted by a crescent and two stars, is also connected.
/---
\14/ The following are of the native type: Akylas, Apphios,
Attadianos (a hybrid formation; Hogarth, perhaps rightly, alters
to Attalianos), Attiakos, Molybas, Motalis, Myllos or Moulos
(both on one sarcophagus), Tatios. On Passtillas see no. 25.
\15/ On the title Bozios see Ch. IV § i i.
\16/ <gk>TOPPHBOC</> is the correct reading, as Mr. Head now
informs me; it is wrongly given <gk>TOPPHCOC</> in his <ti>Hist.
Num.</> (a letter on the coin being blurred). Torrebos
introduced the Lydian style of music (Plut. <ti>de Mus.</> 15),
which is naturally connected with the representation on this
coin: as the representative of the priestly function (and
doubtless as the first priest at the <gk>hieron</>), Torrebos
introduced the music which was employed in the Lydian ritual.
Torrebos was son of Atys (Xanthus ap. Dion. Hal. <ti>Antiq.
Rom.</> I 28); in other words he was a Lydian form of Atys, the
first priest of the Phrygian goddess. When Knaack (<ti>Berl.
Philol. Wochenschr.</> 1890 p. 1643, to whom I am indebted for
the quotations from Plutarch and Dion. Hal.) says that on this
coin <gm>die gegenu%berstellung hat keine tiefere Bedeutung</>,
he hardly catches its meaning. The prophetic and the priestly
functions of the <gk>hieron</> are put side by side as equally
important at Hierapolis. Whether this be a deep meaning or not,
it is at least a very important one, as showing the character of
Phrygian religion.
\---
[[89]]
§ 3. MOTHER LETO. There is a deep gorge in the mountains, two or
three miles north of Mandama, a village about six miles N.W. of
Hierapolis\17/. In this gorge there is a large rude cave with no
trace of artificial cutting, on the roof and sides of which many
graffitti are rudely inscribed. Only one of these could be
deciphered, a dedication by Flavianus Menogenes to 'the Goddess,'
no. 17\18/.
We may compare the account given by Pausanias X 32 of the cave
Steunos at Aizanoi, sacred to Cybele (see also Ch. VIII § 9).
The deity to whom Flavianus addressed himself was 'The Goddess'
of the district, the tutelary deity of the mountains, whose
sanctuary was this rude cave. She is the great goddess of
Hierapolis, Leto or Mother Leto, who was worshipped also beyond
the mountains at Dionysopolis, just as the 'Mother of Sipylos'
was the tutelary deity both of Smyrna on the south and of
Magnesia on the north of Mount Sipylos.
The Mother-Goddess had her chosen home in the mountains, amid the
undisturbed life of Nature, among the wild animals who continue
free from the artificial and unnatural rules constructed by men.
Her chosen companions are the lions, strongest of animals, or the
stags, the fleetest inhabitants of the woods. As Professor E.
Curtius says, 'the spirit of this naturalistic cultus leads the
servants of the goddess, while engaged in her worship, to
transform themselves into the semblance of her holy animals,
stag, cow, or bear, or of plants which stand in relation to her
worship.' Hence we find that 'the baskets danced' before Artemis
Koloe%ne beside the Gygaean Lake, near Sardis (Strabo p. 626),
and women wearing crowns of reeds danced before the Spartan
Artemis. Lakes, like mountains, were often chosen by the goddess
as her home. But her life was seen everywhere in Nature, in the
trees, in the crops, in all vegetation, in all animal life, and
in many beings intermediate between men and animals, Seilenoi,
&c., who were closer to her because they retained the free life
of Nature.
The great religious festival of Heirapolis was the Letoia, named
after the goddess Leto. She was a local variety of the Mother-
goddess, who was worshipped under many names but with practical
identity of character in all parts of Asia Minor. The epithet
'Mother
/---
\17/ Ak-Tcheshme (<it>White Fountain</>) is another name for the
village: Mandama is perhaps an ancient word. The village, which
lies on the direct road from Serai-Keui to Tchal Ova, may perhaps
be in the territory of Hydrela, but there can be no question that
the religion of Hydrela and Hierapolis was the same.
\18/ With time and appliances probably others might be read.
\---
[[90]]
Leto' has not actually been yet found at Hierapolis, but may be
confidently assumed from the analog of Dionysopolis (Ch. IV §
9). The votive formula from the cave of the goddess, no. 17, was
specially connected with the worship of Leto. The goddess of
this name can be traced in the following districts:
(i) In the Lydian Katakekaumene, Mous. Sm. no. <gk>TKZ'</>
(where the text is faulty), 'A7roX(D'vios- A paxiv 8vvaT,q- OE@
c-@Xapto-rCo A?ITCZ. But in this district Leto was more
frequently called by the Greek name Artemis, or by the Persian
name Anaitis; the latter was introduced by the colonists whom the
Persian kings settled in eastern Lydia\19/.
(2) Along the whole line of Mount Messogis to the sea. Strabo
(p. 6 -29) considers Messogis as the same range with the
mountains behind Hierapolis, and this is so in the sense that
Messogis is a prolongation of the plateau of which the
Hierapolitan range is the rim. A festival at Hierapolis (and
also one at Tripolis) was called AHT fl E I A - TT YO I A,
uniting the two great deities, Leto and Apollo. At Dionysopolis
and Motella examples are given in Ch. IV. A coin of Tripolis,
with the legend AHTII - TP II Tr[OAEnN, shows the goddess
sitting, seeptre in hand. The type of Leto fleeing before Pytho
with the infants, Apollo and Artemis, occurs on coins of
Tripolis, Attouda, Mastaura, and Magnesia Mae.; also at Ephesos
with the legend <gk>AHTR - E@E5'InN</> (Imhoof-Blumer MG p. 285).
At Magnesia on the Maeander the river Lethaios, which flows out
of Messogis, was probably the river of Leto, grecized in
accordance with the false derivation from <gk>X'077</>. In
Ephesos we find the same votive formula as in no. 17 <gk>E@XaptO-
TCO T,@ 'APTE,UL81 ZTgoavoy</> (Inscr. Brit. Mus. DLXXIX),
<gk>c@Xapto-r6 o-ot, Kupta\20/ 'Ap-rEut, F. EKd7r-rLOg</> (ibid.
DLXXVIII).
(3) Further south we find Leto before-the-city at Oinoanda (BCH
1886 p. 234). In Lycia, generally, Leto was worshipped as a
national and family deity and as the guardian of the tomb
(Benndorf Lykia i p. 118; Treuber Gesch. d. Lykier p. 69 f).
(4) In Western Pisidia and Milyas we find Leto as the guardian of
the tomb (no. 194), and a dedication 'to Apollo and Apollo's
Mother' (no. 100).
(5) In Pamphylia we find at Perga a priest of Pergaean Leto
(<gk>t'.EpE'a 8t,4 plov Oeiiv A77-roOT -riv nepyal(Op
ro'xEcoT</>), where she seems to be the same as the Queen of
Perga (<gk>Avao-o-a flepyat'a</>), usually known by
/---
\19/ Their aim, doubtless, was to plant these Asiatics along the
Royal Road, leading from Sardis to the governing centre of the
Empire of Susa, to keep it secure under their faithful
guardianship.
\20/ Compare the epithet <gk>ku/rios</> given to Lairbenos at
Dionysopolis, p. 150.
\---
[[91]]
the Greek name Artemis\21/. A Messapian inscription has the
expression Artemis-Leto, where Deecke errs in separating the
names by a comma (Rh. Mus. 1887 p. 232)-
In this enumeration we observe that the traces of the name Leto
point to the south coast and an influence radiating from it,
coming probably from Cyprus throuah Persia. The Leto of this
district is ultimately the same as the Cybele of northern and
eastern Phrygia; and she is accompanied by the male deity, her
son, Savazos-Sabazios-Sozon (Ch. VIII) or Lairbenos, as Cybele
is by Attes or Atys. The two pairs probably sprang from the same
origin; and after travelling along different roads, they met in
Ephesos and in the Lydian Katakekaumene. My friend Prof.
Robertson Smith's suggestion that Lato is the old Semitic Al-lat
('AXL,\a"r in Heiod. I 131, III 8) agrees well with the
geographical facts; and the name Lato would then be due to
Semitic influence exerted on Asia Minor\22/.
§ 4. LETO AND KORA. Further, in the list which has just been
given, we observe that Leto is identified with Artemis; the
mother and the daughter are only two slightly differentiated
forms of the ultimate divine personality in its feminine aspect.
The daughter is the mother reappearing in the continuity of life;
the child replaces the parent, different and yet the same. Leto,
the Mother, and Kora, the Maiden, are the divine prototypes of
earthly life; the divine nature is as complex as humanity, and
contains in itself all the elements which appear in our earthly
life. But how does Kora originate? There must be in the
ultimate divine nature the male element as well as the female,
<gk>o) Qeo/s-</> as well as <gk>h( Qeo/s</>. From the union of
the two originates the daughter-goddess. But even this is not
sufficient: the son also is needed, and he is the offspring of
the daughter-goddess and her father. The story of the life of
these divine personages formed the ritual of the Phrygian
religion. In the mysteries, the story was acted before the
worshippers by the officials, who played the parts of the various
characters in the divine
/---
\21/ In publishing this inscription (BCH 1883 p. 263), I did not
observe that this goddess of Perga, Leto, must be the same as the
Artemis of Perga. Treuber takes the same incorrect sense as I
did: Gesch. d. Li .Ikier p. 76.
\22/ I had thought of connecting Leto with the Lycian lada,
'woman,' understanding Leto Meter as 'the protowoman, the
mother'; but Prof. Smith's suggestion seems Preferable. Leda
is, doubtless, the Lycian lada. Al-l&t or Al-ilh,t is usually
explained as Al-115,hat. 'the Goddess,' as Allah is for Al-Ilah,
'the God.' Professor Sayce, however, makes Alilat the feminine of
helel 'the shining one' (on Herod. 1 13 1); though acknowledging
that there are difficulties in this derivation, he thinks there
are more serious difficulties in the other.
\---
[[92]]
drama. The details of the mystic play are very fully described
by Clement of Alexandria\23/. There is no reason to doubt the
accuracy of the description which he has given, for many of its
details, repulsive as some and trivial as others are, are proved
from independent evidence. Clement describes them as Eleusinian,
for they had spread to Eleusis as the rites of Demeter and Kora,
crossing from Asia to Crete, and from Crete to the European
peninsula. Fundamentally the same, this ritual was developed
with slight differences in detail in the different bomes to which
it spread in Asia Minor and Greece. The different peoples who
adopted it imparted to it some of their national character; and
especially the Greeks toned it down, imparted to it some of their
moderation and artistic feeling, and set it before the initiated
amid far finer and more magnificent surroundings; but still it
remained everywhere fundamentally the same\24/.
This 'fundamental identity' must not be pressed too far. It
seems indeed beyond a doubt that the Phrygo-Orphic mystic ritual
was adopted in the Eleusinian Mysteries; but the change of spirit
and effect was immense. At Eleusis\25/ 'the Mysteries were an
attempt of the Hellenic genius to take into its service the
spirit of Oriental religion' and its enthusiastic self-
forgetfulness in the contemplation of the divine nature. But the
Greeks must have found in their Oriental model the essential idea
of the Mysteries, that 'the multitude of deities in the
polytheistic system were merely forms of the ultimate single
divine nature.' The literary attempt (in the Homeric poems
especially) to make polytheism a conceivable rystem to a rational
mind by the theory that the multitude of gods formed a sort of
bureaucracy, which shared among the different members different
parts of the duties naturally belonging to God, under the general
superintendence of a chief God and Father Zeus, had no real
religious feeling about it; and degenerated into a comedy first
and then a farce. The Oriental, and especially the Phrygian
Mysteries, met the natural and overwhelming desire for a rational
system by their
/---
\23/ Clem. Alexandr. p),ot),ept. c. 2.
\24/See especially Foucart Associations Religieuses chez les
Cr)"ecs p. 72 f. Many authorities consider that Clement is wrong
in describing the ritual as Eleusinian, and that it is only
Phrygian and Orphic. Lenormant, in his important series of
articles in the Contemporanj Berietv (i88o), took the view that
the Eleusinian Mysteries were contaminated with the Phrygian and
Orphic rites at a late period. I may be permitted to refer also
to my article Mysteties in the Encyclop. Bitannica ed. IX.
\25/ In this paragraph I make some extracts from my article on
'Mysteries' loc. cit., which, though requiring some improvements
and modifications, expresses approximately the view that is
required by the facts collected in this work.
\---
[[93]]
teaching of the divine unity-in-multiplicity. The social side of
the Phrygian cult was rejected by the Greeks; the acts and
ceremonies remained to a considerable extent the same, with the
meaning and spirit changed, just as the Aphrodite of Praxiteles
retained the attitude and gesture of the rude Phoenician image of
Astarte. 'All that gave elevation and ideality was added by the
Hellenic genius' to the Phrygian Mysteries and to the Phoenician
idol. But, with all their ugliness, the Phrygian Mysteries must
always remain one of the most instructive and strange attempts of
the human mind in an early stage of development to frame a
religion, containing many germs of high conceptions expressed in
the rudest and grossest symbolism, deifying the natural processes
of life in their primitive nakedness, and treating all that
veiled or modified or restrained or directed these processes as
impertinent outrages of man on the divine simplicity.
§ 5. THE GOD. In the public form of the religion, as it appears
in the municipal ceremonies and on the coins and in public
documents, we find that in some cities the goddess is made more
prominent, in other places the god is put more forward. The
difference is merely incidental and external; and there is no
reason to think that it corresponds to any difference in the
esoteric and mystic ceremonial. On the whole Greek influence
tended to lay more stress on the god, to regard him as the chief
and lord and father; and accordingly he is more prominent in the
religion as associated with municipal government. The connexion
of political and religious organization was far more close and
intimate in ancient than in modern times; social and political
union were merely different aspects of religious union, and the
one could not exist, or be thought of as existing, without the
other (Church in Emp. p. i go f).
Another point of importance remains to be noticed in the
Hierapolitan religion. The eunuch priests of the <gk>hieron</>
were able to defy the poisonous influence of the Charonion and
live in its divine atmosphere unharmed. These priests, having
separated themselves from the world, already possessed some of
the divine nature, and could support unharmed the terrors of the
world of death. What light does this throw on the nature of the
religion? It implies that the annihilation of the distinction of
sex brings the man closer to the divine life. The distinction of
sex, therefore, is not an ultimate and fundamental fact of the
divine life: the god and the goddess, the Son and the Maiden, are
mere appearances of the real and single divine life that
underlies them. That life is self-complete, self-sufficient,
continually existent; the idea of change, of diversity, of
passage from form to form, i. e. of death, comes in with the idea
of sex-distinction. [[94]] Hence it is part of the religion to
confuse in various ways the distinction; to make the priest
neither male nor female, and to make mutilation the test of
willingness to enter the divine service.
§ 6. MATRIARCHAL SYSTEM. The male deity seems to be codsidered
as a companion of the Mother-goddess of inferior rank to her. In
this cultus there was no holy marriage to form the central rite
in the cultus, the prototype of human marriage and the guarantee
of family life on earth. The impregnation of the Mother-goddess
formed part of the sacred ritual enacted in the Mysteries; but it
seems everywhere to have been an act of violence, or stealth, or
deception. This first act, the birth of the daughter, is
followed by the second act, the generation of the son, which
again is an act of deception and violence, enacted by the god in
the form of a serpent (the Echidna of Hierapolis)\26/. The
religion originated among a people whose social system was not
founded on marriage, and among whom the mother was head of the
family, and relationship was counted only through her. Long
after a higher type of society had come into existence in
Phrygia, the religion preserved the facts of the primitive
society; but it became esoteric, and the facts were only set
forth in the Mysteries. When, then, had the change from the old
social system to the new occurred? On this we possess no
evidence, merely general presumptions, which will be stated in a
more suitable place. But it is clear that in the Roman period
the old system had not entirely disappeared; it still existed as
a religious institution, permitted by the popular opinion, and
recognized by law. The inscriptions reveal to us cases in which
women of good position felt themselves called upon to live the
divine life, under the influence of divine inspiration. The
typical case is recorded in an inscription of Tralleis (no. 18).
/---
\26/ This incident is widely spread in ancient religion, ritual,
and mythology. In Rome the Bona Dea was deceived in that way by
her father Faunus (Macrob. I I2, 24; Plutarch Vit. Caes. 9).
In the Phrygian mysteries, the incident is represented sometimes
as occurring between the God and the Mother-goddess (Athenag.
leg. pro Christ. p. 295 d), sometimes between the God and the
Daughter (Clem. Alex. 1. c.). In the ritual women imitated the
divine action, see e.g. a relief in the Louvre, described by M.
Heuzey in his Mission Archeol. en Mace/doine, and M. Foucart
Assoc. Relig. p. 78. In mythology the birth of heroes, and
even historical persons such as Alexander the Great, was
accounted for in this way. The serpent, e'Xt8va in Hierapolis,
was usually the species with swoln cheeks (irapetav); and he
impersonated Sabazios; hence, when the superstitious man of
Theophrastus saw a 7r(ipetav o'q)tf in his house, he invoked
Sabazios. See Dieterich on die Go%ttin Mise in Philologus LII
1893 p. 1 f, where much information about the character of the
Phrygian cultus is to be found; also the additional article by
Bloch in the same volume p. 577.
\---
[[95]]
The commentary on this inscription is contained in Strabo's
account, p. 532, of the social customs which existed in Akilisene
in his own time, and which, as he says, formerly existed in
Lydia. 'They dedicate (to Anaitis) male and female slaves, and
this, in itself, is not strange; but even the highest nobles
consecrate their daughters while virgins, and among them the rule
is that they live as courtesans before the goddess for a long
time before they are given in marriage, while no one thinks it
unworthy to dwell with a woman of this class.' The inscription
shows that the custom survived in Lydia as late as the second
century: the person here concerned is of good rank, as is proved
by the Latin name of her family\27/. She comes of ancestors who
have served before the god with asceticism (unwashed feet) and
prostitution; she has served in the same way in accordance with
the express orders of the god; and she records her service in a
public dedication\28/. This is not likely to have been an
isolated case, for it appears, from the publicity given to it, to
have involved no infamy. Strabo seems to imply that at Komaria
Pontica this kind of service was confined, as a rule, but not
absolutely, to the class of persons called <gk>Hierai</>\29/.
Other persons, however, besides the Hierai occasionally performed
the service; and the Trallian inscription gives a typical case of
such voluntary service.
This inscription enables us to understand many other
inscriptions. Suppose L. Aurelia Aemilia had had a child during
her service, what would have been its legal status? Were such
children reckoned legitimate or illegitimate? The answer to this
question is important, as determining the attitude of the country
law towards the custom. I think that at least in the cities
where Greek civilization had not thoroughly established itself,
they were reckoned legitimate and took the rank of their mother.
They are mentioned in inscriptions with the mother's name in
place of the father's, and even with the formula 'of unknown
father\30/.' The ancient social system had, therefore,
/---
\27/ She is not of an Italian but of a Lydian family; an Italian
woman would not be named L. Aurelia Aemilia, for the name offends
against Latin rules of nomenclature.
\28/ The marble column on which it was inscribed supported some
offering.
\29/ <gk>7r'XiOos- -yvvagKZP -rrop epyatouiv&)p airo' ro@
a,41jarov, Z)v at 7rXttovr ei(Ap tepai</>, Strabo p. 559. The
<gk>Hierai</> were bound to the divine service (see pp. 135,
147).
\30/ It is possible to explain away some of these cases, and in
particular to say that there was not always a very strict
scrutiny of the qualifications of citizens, since, e.g., freedmen
were allowed as full ordinary citizens (Bj7p6rat) and as members
of Gerousia at Sidyina; but we also find senators and strategoi
quoted with the mother's name in place of the father's, and the
scrutiny in such cases was necessarily strict. It must be
remembered that the statement of the father's name is required as
part of the formal designation of a citizen in political and
legal documents, and the cases of descent reckoned through the
mother are so numerous that we must admit that law and custom
admitted such birth as legitimate. Examples are quoted on inscr.
21.
\---
[[96]]
never been abolished, but simply decayed slowly before the
advance of Graeco-Roman civilization. It lingered longer in
remote districts than in the cities of the west\31/.
It is, in fact, probable though with our present knowledge not
susceptible of proof, that the term Parthenos in connexion with
the Anatolian system should be rendered simply as 'the
Unmarried,' and should be regarded as evidence of the religious
existence of the pre-Greek social system. The Parthenos-goddess
was also the Mother; and however much the Parthenoi who formed
part of her official retinue\32/ may have been modified by Greek
feeling, it is probable that originally the term indicated only
that they were not cut off by marriage from the divine life.
Incidentally we note that the discrepancy between the religious
ritual and the recognized principles of society contributed to
the extraordinarily rapid spread of Christianity in Asia Minor.
The religion was not in keeping with the facts of life; and in
the general change of circumstances and education that
accompanied the growth of Roman organization in the country, the
minds of men were stimulated to thought and ready for new ideas.
In the country generally a higher type of society was maintained;
whereas at the great temples the primitive social system was kept
up as a religious duty incumbent on the class called Hierai
during their regular periods of service at the temple, as is
proved by the inscriptions found at Dionysopolis. The chasm that
divided the religion from the educated life of the country became
steadily wider and deeper. In this state of things St. Paul
entered the country; and, wherever education had already been
diffused, he found converts ready and eager. Those who believe
that the tale of St. Thekla\33/ is founded on a real incident
will recognize in it a vivid picture of the life of the time,
helping us to appreciate the reason for the marvellous and
electrical effect that is attributed in Acts to the preaching of
the Apostle in Galatia (p. 137).
§ 7. THE BROTHERHOOD. The God at Hierapolis is styled Lairbenos
(on which name see Ch. IV) and Archegetes on coins, and Apollo
Archegetes on inscriptions. The title Archegetes marks him as
the
/---
\31/ See the large proportion of cases in the little Isaurian
city of Dalisandos (Headlam JHS 1892 p. I).
\32/ For example ttpatet(tv rapO;Yot at Teos CIG 3098.
\33/ See Church in the Roman Empire Chapter XVI.
\---
[[97]]
originator and teacher of the mysteries and ritual to his
worshippers\34/: in Greece Apollo Archegetes was the adviser and
guide of the emigrants and colonists who went forth from its
shores to find homes and food in more productive lands. The most
remarkable point which we find in the inscriptions is the
institution of Semeiaphoroi of Apollo Archegetes no. 19, who have
been explained by Hogarth p. 80 as a class of professional
wonder-workers, like those eastern dervishes in modern times, who
cut themselves with knives, and do other wonders under the
influence of religious excitement. It is, however, more probable
that the Semeiaphoroi are to be compared with the Xenoi
Tekmoreioi, who will be described more fully in a later
chapter\35/. The latter had a secret sign (TE'Kucop), whereby
presumably they recognized members of the Brotherbood, and the
Bearers of the Sign (0-77,UEiOll) may be identified with them.
To judge from their name Xenoi, the Guest-friends, they must have
made hospitality one of their duties. Like all ancient
societies, they united under religious forms, in Hierapolis in
the worship of Apollo, near Pisidian Antioch in the worship of
the Great Artemis of the Limnai. They made voluntary
contributions towards a common treasury, from which works of
architecture and sculpture were constructed for the good of their
common religion. Considering that religion was fundamentally the
same over the plateau of Asia Minor, we should expect to find
this institution widely spread over the country; and an
interesting passage in the travels of the Arab from Tangier, Ibn
Batuta, enables us to trace similar societies in the Moslem
cities of the Seljuk empire. These cities were peopled to a
large extent by the old races, who had adopted the Mohammedan
religion, but maintained many of their old social forms and among
others that of the Brotherhood. Ibn Batuta mentions this
institution as existing in the Anatolian towns which be visited.
He saw the Brothers at Antalia\36/, Burdur, La^dhik, Kunia
(Iconium), and implies that they existed generally in the Seljuk
towns. His words are 'in all the Turkoman\37/ towns which I
visited
/---
\34/ Strab. p. 468 <gk>'IaKXdV 7-6 KaL T4P AL4,vva-o,v
[oL'E,\Xylver] KakOO(Tt Ka'& T6V jpxllY@Tliv T(;iv /Lvff7-9p"(Ov,
'rig Ai/Ai7rpor @aLlAopa</>.
\35/ On them see Hist. Geogr. p. 409 f
\36/ This is a common form of Attaleia in Paniphylia, now called
Adalia. It is given as Anatolia in Lee's translation p. 68; time
is about 1333 A.D.
\37/ Though he says Turkoman, he evidently uses this term for the
Seljuk towns in Anatolia. Many facts combine to show how little
change was introduced into Asia Minor by the Seljuk rulers (as
distinguished from the Ottoman Turks); and the remaining
buildings prove that they maintained a high standard of art and
magnificence (very unlike the slovenly disrepair and meanness of
almost everything due to the Osmanli sultans).
\---
[[98]]
there is a brotherhood of youths, one of whom is termed "My
Brother." No people are more courteous to strangers, more readily
supply them with food and other necessaries, or are more opposed
to oppressors than they are. The person who is termed "The
Brother" is one about whom persons of the same occupation or even
foreign youths, who happen to be destitute, collect and
constitute their president. He then builds a cell, and in this
he puts a horse, a saddle, and whatever other implements may be
wanting. He then attends daily upon his companions, and assists
them with whatever they may happen to want. In the evening they
come to him, and bring all they have got, which is sold to
purchase food, fruit, &c. for the use of the cell. Should a
stranger happen to arrive in their country, they get him among
them, and with this provision they entertain him; nor does he
leave them till he finally leaves their country. If however no
traveller arrive, then they assemble to eat up their provisions,
which they do with drinking, singing and dancing. On the morrow
they return to their occupations, and in the evening return again
to their president. They are therefore styled the Youths," their
president "the Brother."' The Brothers invited Ibn Batuta to a
feast at Adalia, where the Brotherhood was a society of 200 silk
merchants. At Burdur they invited him to a feast in a garden
without the town. At La^dhik different societies of youths
contended for the privilege of entertaining him, and divided the
duty among them by lot.
§ 8. RELIGION OF BURIAL. Naturally we turn to the graves and
monuments of the dead to find there evidence of the deepest-lying
fee]ings and religious ideas which come out in the presence of
death. Among primitive people, the monuments are almost
exclusively sepulchral; and this is to a great extent the case at
Hierapolis, where the road that leads to Tripolis and the west is
still lined with hundreds of inscribed monuments, some of large
size and imposing appearance. The care which was taken of the
graves was remarkable. There was a guardian of the graves along
the road\38/, who shared sometimes in the money that was left for
distribution annually among those who went on the anniversary of
death to place a garland of flowers on the tomb (Stephanotikon).
But the most remarkable feature here and in every part of Phrygia
is the anxiety to prevent the interment of unprivileged persons
in the grave. It is not simply desire to prevent the monument
being destroyed; that feeling sometimes appears, but the danger
was not so pressing, and in many cases the only offence pro-
/---
\38/ <gk>6 Ka-rA -r4irop 'rl7pqTig TO@ gp-yov</> Wadd. i68o (cp.
no. 192 below). In Petronius 71 Trimalchio says praeponam unum
ex libertis sepulcro meo custodiae causa.
\---
[[99]]
vided against is the intrusion of a corpse. In the inscriptions
the offence is made punishable by fines of varying amount,
payable to the city, the imperial treasury, the deity of the
city, the senate, or more frequently the Gerousia, the chief city
of the conventus\39/, some official, &c. (the hope being that the
reward would ensure the prosecution of offenders); in other
cases, the offender is merely cursed in more or less strong
terms, or consigned to the divine judgement or wrath. In Greece
we find little trace of this feeling; the few examples of such
epitaphs in Greece are probably of foreigners. But in Asia Minor
it is so widespread and deep-seated that it must have a religious
foundation. Intrusion of an illegal participator must have
involved some loss to the rightful dwellers in the grave. This
implies that belief in a future existence was part of the
Phrygian religion, and also that the actual monument and tomb was
connected with the future lot of the deceased. What meaning,
then, had the tomb to the native mind?
Under the Roman Empire two kinds of sepulchral monument were
commonly used in Phrygia, where the primitive customs were far
more thoroughly preserved than in Lydia\40/. One is a slab of
marble or other stone cut to imitate a doorway; the door-posts,
the two valves, the lintel, and generally a pointed or rounded
pediment above, are all indicated; one or two knockers usually
appear on the door, and symbols are often carved on the panels or
in the pediment. On such a tombstone there is no suitable place
for an inscription; but an epitaph is usually engraved on some
part of the stone. The door as an accompaniment of the grave is
found in Phrygia from the earliest period to which our knowledge
extends; in the tomb of Midas and many others the door is part of
the elaborately carved front. Now many graves in Phrygia, Lycia,
Pisidia, &c., have the form of small temples. Even the
sarcophagi are frequently made like miniature temples. The door-
tombstone we may take to be an indication of the temple, the part
being put for the whole.
The second kind of tombstone has the form of an altar -- a square
pillar (very rarely a circular one) with pedestal and capital,
usually of very simple type, but sometimes elaborately decorated.
In the inscriptions the name 'altar' is commonly applied to the
monuments of this form; but in several cases the word 'door,' and
in one ease 'the altar and the door,' is engraved on a different
side of the altar-
/---
\39/ So at Aigai (Pergamos) and Lagbe (Cibyra), see Ch. VlIl §
11 and p. 272.
\40/ Lydia had become almost completely hellenized, and the
Lydian language had entirely disappeared from use in the country
before A. D. 19, though it was still spoken in Cibyra (Strabo p.
631).
\---
[[100]]
stone. These inscriptions show how important an idea in the tomb
the door was reckoned.
These classes of monuments constitute 90 per cent. of the
existing gravestones in Phrygia; and, of the remaining 10 per
cent., five can be explained as developments of the idea of a
temple. The dead man is therefore conceived as living on as a
god, and as receiving worship; and the door is intended as the
passage for communication between the world of life and the world
of death, giving him freedom to issue forth to help his
worshippers. On the altar the living placed the offerings due to
the dead. Further, many inscriptions, which will be given in due
course, show that the dead person was conceived to be identified
with the divine nature. The life of man has come from God, and
returns to Him. One single monument in Phrygia shows the door of
the grave opened, and we are admitted to contemplate <gk>-r'a
iep'a uvT"'pta</>; inside we find no place or room for a dead
body, only the statue of the Mother-Goddess accompanied by her
lions. So in Lydia before the time of Homer, the Maeonian
chiefs, sons of the Gygaean lake (Il. II 865), or of the Naiad
Nymph who bore them by the lake (Il. XX 384), are buried in the
mounds, which we still see in numbers on its shores. For these
heroes death is simply the return to live with the Goddess-Mother
that bore them. Hence a very common form of epitaph represents
the making of the grave as a vow or a dedication to the local
deity. Addend. 24.
The tomb, then, is the temple, i.e. the home\41/, of the god, and
he who gains admission, even by fraud or violence, to the tomb
gets all the advantages which the rightful owner intended for
himself.
The deification of the dead, whether generically under the name
of Di Manes, <gk>EEOL' KaraXOO'viot</> (at Nakoleia), &c., or
specifically as identified with some particular deity, is one of
the most widespretd facts of ancient religion. In the Roman
world the conception of the dead as Di Manes gave rise to a
standing formula of epitaphs: the formula appears on many
thousands of tombstones, and had indeed become such a pure
formula that its meaning was no longer present to the minds of
the persons that composed the epitaph, and thus it is used
occasionally even on Christian tombstones\42/. The identification
of the dead with a particular deity is not so common; but
examples occur in all ages. We shall find many epitaphs which
show that the erection of a gravestone was conceived and
expressed as a vow to some
/---
\41/ Compare the use of <gk>otk.g</> in the sense of tomb at
Cibyra BCH 1878 p. 610 f, Magnesia BCH 1894 p. 11.
\42/ Le Blant Inscr. Chre/t. de la Gaule I p. 264, II p. 406;
Wadd. nos. 2145, 2419.
\---
[[101]]
deity who is named on the stone; and it is highly probable that
many so-called votive inscriptions are really sepulchral. In
this way the class of votive inscriptions to the god Sozon are
explained Ch. VIII § 9, and those to Zeus Bronton in the
neighbourhood of Nakoleia\43/ are of the same character. The
erection of a gravestone is also conceived as a distinction and
prerogative (<gk>7tu'</>) of the dead man and living god; and the
formula stating that the erector of the tomb did honour to
(<gk>E,rL,u?7o-cv</>) the dead person is widely used, especially
on the southern side of the great plateau of Asia Minor. Such
tombs were frequently erected by a city or corporate body, and
the tombstone is then expressed in forms similar to those of an
honorary inscription to a living person. A very clear example
occurs in no. 85.
§ 9. THE GOD AS RULER AND HEALER. In studying the antiquities of
the various cities and bishoprics of Phrygia, and in a less
degree of other districts of Asia Minor, we shall find numberless
traces which enable us to fill out in detail this brief sketch of
the religion of Hierapolis and of the old social system to which
it bears witness. Dionysopolis especially shows a type of
religion that agrees in the names and probably in the minutest
details with that of Hierapolis; and everything that we shall
have to say of the former may, no doubt, be taken as applying to
the latter. But Hierapolis was so much under Greek influence
that the Phrygian ritual was more strictly esoteric and private
there than in some other places. In particular, not a trace
survives there of the old system of government on the village-
system which struggled all over Asia Minor against the Greek
city-system. The Anatolian village-system mas almost a pure
theocracy. The god of the central <gk>hieron</>, revealing his
will through his priests and prophets, guided with absolute power
the action of the population which dwelt in villages scattered
over the country round the <gk>hieron</>. The chief priesthoods
seem to have been originally hereditary in one family or in a
small number of families; but no evidence remains as to the rules
of succession. The highest priests and priestesses played the
parts of the great gods in the mystic ritual, wore their dress,
and bore their names; they, as a body or perhaps the chief priest
alone, controlled the prophetic utterances which guided the
action of the community. Alongside of this theocratic government
of the various districts, there was originally an imperial
government of the whole country; but the nature of this central
government is still a matter for investigation. Nothing positive
can be stated about it at this stage, though its existence seems
certain.
/---
\43/ See an article on "Sepulchral Customs in Phrygia" in JHS
1884.
\---
[[102]]
In the following chapter we shall study in more detail the traces
of the old system of society which survived in more backward and
remote parts of the country even under the Roman Empire. But at
this point we may make some general remarks about the theocratic
character of the Anatolian system.
Besides the land which was originally, apparently, the property
(probably communal property) of the free population, there was
also a considerable, or even a very large estate, actually the
property of the god and called <gk>X6pa lepa'</>. The rents or
crops of this land were enjoyed by the priest of the god\44/. It
seems to have been generally let on hire; and analogy would lead
us to suppose that the rent was in many cases a proportion of the
produce. Besides this Sacred Ground there was a tract of land
round the <gk>hieron</> which was inhabited specially by
<gk>hieroi</> (Ch. IV § i2 (c)), worshippers, &c., and which
seems to be originally the same as the <gk>!Ep'a Ka')IA?7,
L'EP'OV XO)PL'OV, 'Xtop</>. At Stratonicea those who inhabited
the <gk>peripolion</> were distinguished from the inhabitants of
the city. Narrower still than this was the Sacred Precinct
(<gk>-YrEpt',6oXov</>), where, as a rule, probably the priest and
the priestess alone lived\45/.
It is an interesting but difficult study to trace the change
through which the Anatolian system passed in contact with the
freer Greek civilization.
The population round the ancient Anatolian <gk>hiera</> consisted
of both freemen and <gk>hiero-douloi</>. The latter were serfs,
attached to the soil, and under the rule of the priest except
that he was not allowed to sell them\46/. What was the condition
of the free population? It has sometimes been assumed that the
priest-kings had always been the rulers of the free population
also; but this seems to be an error. Strabo p. 672 seems perhaps
to imply that the priests of Olba were dynasts only after the
expulsion of the pirates by Pompey\47/; and he says that Pompey,
when he made Archelaos priest of Comana Pontica, ordered the
population of the country around to obey him, which seems to
imply that previous priests had not possessed this authority over
the free population\48/. The fact seems to be that an influence
/---
\44/ Strab. p. 535 <gk>X@pa 't.Epil "?p 6 acL LEpE@r
Kap7TOOraL.</> Cp. Heller, quoted n. 5.
\45/ Strab. p. 575.
\46/ Strab. p. 558 says of the priest of Comana Pontica <gk>('V)
Ku/rLOg TCOV LCPO306-XWV 7rXiV TOO irtirpeLO-KELV</>, cp. 535
<gk>Kt'lpt6g I(TTL KaL -rcop L-FpoaovX(.)v</>.
\47/ I hope to discuss the subject of Olba more fully in a paper
in the <ti>Numismatic Chronicle</> at an early date.
\48/ Had it been recognized as part of the regular powers of the
priesthood, there would have been no reason to state it, as
Heller <ti>de Lydiae Cariaeque Sacerdotibus</> p. 219 rightly
argues.
\---
[[103]]
which was naturally exercised by the priest over the free
population without any formal legal authority was converted by
the Romans into an express and formal sovereignty, so that the
priest was leader of the free population (Strab. pp. 535, 558)
and master (<gk>K@PIOT</>, <lt>dominus</>) of the hierodouloi.
Originallv the influence of the priest accrued to him partly as
interpreter of the will of the god to people who guided their
action greatly by that will revealed in dreams or prophecies,
partly in virtue of his superior knowledge and education among a
simple and primitive population. Such informal influence,
exercised <lt>de facto</> but not <lt>de jure</>, was not
properly understood by the formal Romans, who wished to make
explicit the constitution of these half-independent states and to
have a central authority formally responsible to them\49/. The
temple of Zeus Chrysaor near Stratonicea may be taken, perhaps,
as a fairer specimen of the old native system: the Carians
assembled there to sacrifice and to delib50erate about the
political situation\50/.
When the immense, yet informal, influence of the priest was thus
regarded as a formal and express authority, it followed that,
after the government passed out of his hands into those of the
Roman state or the Emperor, the power and property which had
belonged, according to the Roman view, to the priest passed to
the new government\51/. It is an analogous fact that in many
hellenized cities of the western coast-valleys, a magistrate
called Stephanophoros succeeded to the political influence which
had been exercised by the priest, while the latter seems to have
been restricted to the strictly religious duties of his office,
which were of course still great and important, Ch. II § 9. There
is also great probability that the Greek kings acted in the same
way as we suppose the emperors to have done\52/, making
themselves the successors to the priests as owners of the land
which belonged to
/---
\49/ A similar change occurred in the Scottish Highlands, when
the half-patriarchal and informal authority of some chiefs over
the land and property of the clan was converted by lawyers and
legislators into a formal ownership of the land.
\50/ Allowance ought to be made for a certain amount of
hellenization of Carian institutions; but this probably showed
itself in affecting details and giving freedom to the states in
practice and less weight to the priest rather than in altering
the theory of the common government.
\51/ It is probable that there would be some difference in the
treatment of such property according as it was taken under the
republican or the imperial government. Evidence must be sought
for bearing on this point; but, as a general rule, the Romans,
when they took a province, found that the existing rulers were
not the old priests, but more recent kings or governors.
\52/ See Ch. I § 6, IV § 9, VIII § 4, 5 and IX § 3, 5.
\---
[[104]]
the temples (<gk>'Xd)pa t'Epa'</>), and they in turn were
succeeded by the Roman emperors. It is quite probable and
natural that a distinct agreement was made in some or all cases
with the priest of the temple, and certain privileges and
property and rights were guaranteed him. It would be the easiest
and most useful policy for the Greek kings to secure in this way
the support and goodwill of the priests. All this was done at
the expense of the uneducated native population; but we find in
almost every case that the priesthood was in alliance with the
monarchs and tyrants, and opposed to anything like the Greek-city
system, which was likely to emancipate and educate the people.
Some signs remain that rents for lots of the temple-land were
paid to a <gk>hierotamias</>, who sometimes at least represented
the interests of the municipality. This seems to have been the
case at Aizanoi\53/, where, as we may suppose, part of the
temple-land had been left to the priests when the most of it was
taken from them and converted into an estate which we find long
afterwards owned by the emperors (<ti>Hist. Geogr.</> p. 177-8).
On all these points we must seek for evidence in each locality,
as we investigate its antiquities. It is probable that details
varied in different places; and we should avoid drawing universal
conclusions from single cases.
An interesting side of this religion was its connexion with the
healing art. The god was the Physician and the Saviour (<gk>-
YWT' .Zc6@(ov</>) of his people\54/. He punished their faults and
transgressions by inflicting diseases on them; and, when they
were penitent, he taught them how to treat and to cure their
diseases\55/. Hence we found that a school of medicine grew up
round the <gk>hieron</> of Men Karou (Ch. II § 7 c), and almost
everywhere we find dedications to and worship of the god
Asklepios. Such dedications to Greek gods occur in bewildering
variety. The worshipper appeals to the god on that side of his
manifold and all-powerful character which suits his special
needs; and, as all educated persons used Greek, each designated
the god by the Greek name which seemed to suit his special case,
and express the reason that led him to seek for divine aid\56/.
/---
\53/ Wadd. 860.
\54/So, e.g., we find a deity, probably Men, represented carrying
a staff wreathed with a serpent, not unlike the staff of
Asklepios, or accompanied by a serpent. Sabazios is especially
closely related to the serpent.
\55/ As the lord of life, the god both gives it and takes it
away: hence he is both god of graves (§ 8) and of medicine, nos.
95, 194.
\56/ The view taken by Roscher that these various deities were
all distinct conceptions with a different meaning and origin (Men
the moon, &c.) and that in later time they were confused and
mixed up ('verschmelzung des Men mit Mithras, Attis, Sabazios,
Asklepios, und Hekate') is one that I cannot sympathize with (see
his paper <gk>'LNirov ipoT47Tovv</> in <ti>Berichte Verhandl.
Leipzig</> 1891 p. 96 f). I grant that different history,
tribes, and places, had given a certain degree of individual
character to Men and to Sabazios; but I believe that it was their
fundamental similarity of character that led them to pass into
one another as they do. Roscher may collect examples of Men; but
for almost every attribute and type it would be easy to find an
exact analogue in the case of Sabazios.
\---
[[105]]
It is remarkable that, though prophets and physicians formed part
of every priestly establishment in Asia Minor, yet we have no
proof that the prophets developed their religion in the way that
the early prophets of Apollo developed the Greek religion,
introducing moralized ideas and adapting the old religion to be
the divine guide of a higher system of society. It is however
clear that, if we have rightly described the character of their
religion, they had given it a philosophic and highly elaborated
system. But it lies far beyond the limits of the Hierapolitan
<gk>hieron</> to enter on this wider subject. Only after
collecting all the scattered evidence bearing on each centre of
Anatolian religion can we face such a large question.
§ 10. TRADE-GUILDS. As to the municipal divisions of the city,
whether into tribes, or otherwise, no distinct evidence exists.
But in CIG 3924 the 'trade-guild of dyers' (<gk>4pyao-ia -rcoi,
8aoE'o)t,</>) is mentioned\57/, and in no.26 the 'trade-guild of
wool-washers.' In some cities of Asia Minor such trade-guilds are
often mentioned, while tribes are never alluded to, e.g.
Thyateira, Philadelpheia, Smyrna, Apameia, Akmonia\58/. It is
probable that in these cities there was no division into tribes,
but only into trade-guilds; at least, it seems highly probable
that the division into tribes was an institution of the Greek
period, and that the odly pre-Greek classification of citizens
was according to trades. In cities where both classifications
occur, we may understand that a Greek foundation introduced the
tribes, and the older stratum of population retained the guilds.
As there is no evidence known of a Greek foundation in
Hierapolis, we should
/---
\57/ Compare CIG 3912 a, Wadd. 741, where Papias son of Papias
and grandson of Straton dedicates a statue of Herakles <gk>T-
(TVI'Epyao-ia</>.
\58/ Thyateira is best known: here numerous <gk>e'pya</> (a term
apparently equivalent to the more usual <gk>EpyaaiaL</>), which
are enumerated by M. Clerc <ti>de rebus Thyat.</> p. 92,
<gk>@PTOK6701, KEpalAfiV, XUXKEIV, xaXKOTLVOL, OVPUCZS',
(rKUTOTOIA01, Xajjpto,, XtVOVPYO9', 1,UUTEVOILEVOL</> (makers of
garments, see Ch. II § 4), <gk>eaoEir</>. But such guilds
existed in cities where tribes are known (Laodiceia no. 8,
Ephesos <gk>(rvvfpyao-ia Xni,(ipL(.)v</> Wood <ti>gr. th.</> 4
<gk>oL ' ip 'Eoifr(o c'pycirat iri)o7rvXEirat</> CIG 3208); and
it is quite possible that tribes may yet be found in the cities
mentioned in the text. Menadier <ti>Ephes.</> p. 28 gives a
list of the trade-guilds that are known. See also a paper on the
Street-porters of Smyrna in <ti>Amer. Journ. Arch.</> 1885.
\---
[[106]]
not expect to find tribes there; and no trace of tribes has as
yet been discovered.
The trade-guilds were governed by presidents, called in Thyateira
<gk>@7ria-ra'7-at</>\59/ and in Hierapolis <gk>4pyaT77YOt</> no.
26. The institution has survived in at least some cities of Asia
Minor to modern times: the example best known to me is at Angora
(Ancyra Gal.) where we could not hire muleteers except through
the chief of the guild, who apportioned work to the various
muleteers at his sovereign will and pleasure. M. Radet rightly
suggests that these guilds date from the earliest historical
period in the country, and finds a reference to them in the
account given by Herodotus I 93 of the building of the tomb of
Alyattes by the merchants, artisans, and courtesans: he considers
their action as the result of a requisition laid by the sovereign
on the guilds\60/. Under the Empire these guilds were, of course,
so far romanized as to bring them within the category of
<lt>collegia legitima</> (Dig. 47, 22), and were registered under
the name of their president. It is a proof of the elasticity of
Roman rule that their otherwise fixed principle prohibiting
collegia was so completely relaxed in a country where the
institution was of old standing.
The Dyers were no doubt numerous and rich at Hierapolis, where
the waters were, as Strabo p. 629 says, exceedingly useful for
dyeing. The water of the hot-springs seems to be rich in alum
(judging from the taste), which is much used in the dyeing-
process.
We cannot leave the subject without mentioning Flavius Zeuxis
<gk>EpyaaT'7v</> who sailed round Malea\61/ to Italy seventy-two
times, and made a grave for himself and his sons Flavius
Theodoros and Flavius
/---
\59/ <gk>EirLT79(r4lACVOV 7-00 e'p-you -rZv 6a4pe(ay iro -
yipour</> CIG 3498: the last phrase implies only birth in a
family which had supplied presidents previously, and not
hereditary presidence (Ch. II § 7). In CIG 3912 a (note 1 p.
105) Papias was <gk>jpX6vqv [6]v[opl-rO@ T6 iT</>, and evidently
he was an officer of an <gk>c'pyaoi'a</>. This title is obscure,
and perhaps corrupt (one would look for <gk>apxwv f-r]@r . . . 7-
ov</>). A Xystos was a covered colonnade, and <gk>@pX6iy7v</>
was a farmer-general of a tax: and the two ideas do not go well
together. It is possible that inscr. 28 gives further
information about these guilds, in case it is not Christian (as I
think it is).
\60/ M. Clerc <ti>Thyatira</> p. 90 has very confidently asserted
against M. Radet that the trade-guilds were a purely Roman
institution. But the Roman government was exceedingly strict in
enforcing the prohibition of such guilds (Church in R. Emp. pp.
215, 359); and, if they permitted guilds on such an extensive
scale in Asia, this must in all probability have been due to
their ancient standing, and the danger of tampering with a
national habit. An example of the danger to peace and order that
was inherent in such guilds occurs at Magnesia (<ti>Church in R.
Emp.</> p. 200).
\61/ <gk>MaXiap S@ K4144laV E7TLXat9oO TZv o!KaBe</> Strabo p.
378.
\---
[[107]]
Theudas and for all to whom they give leave\62/. It is strange
that a merchant resident in an inland city should have taken so
many voyages.
§ 11. HISTORY. Hardly anything is known of the history of
Hierapolis in the Greek and Roman periods. It grew by slow
stages; and in the time of Strabo seems to have been far from
great or important; but in the peace and prosperity of the empire
its hotsprings must have made it a great resort for invalids and
valetudinarians. Its coinage is rich and varied in type, and it
must have been very important in the social as well as the
religious point of view.
A series of coins struck under Augustus in the last decade B.C.
shows the name of the city in a transition period, see p. 87.
The reverse type of the following is a tripod, with the
inscriptions
<gk>[RT]ATTIAM - ARFEAAIAOY - IEPOTTOAE ITNN AyrKEY5'.
@IAOrrATPIX - IEPArrOAElTnN ,& l@IA03;' - & l@ IAOY - APXNN - To
- B -</>
On a coin of the proconsul Fabius Maximus (c. 5 B.C.), the type
is a <lt>bipennis</> with the legend <gk>ZIIXIMOX - 4)IAOTTATPIM:
- IEPOTTOAEITn N - EX APA @(EV)</>\63/.
The imposing triple gateway by which the road to Tripolis and
Saidis issued from the city was dedicated perhaps to
Commodus\64/.
The title <gk>Neolcoros</> was conferred on Hierapolis probably
about the end of the second or beginning of the third century (at
latest under Caracalla); but the circumstances and the exact date
are unknown\65/.
Of the state of society and education at Hierapolis hardly any
evidence remains except what is stated about L. Septimius
Antipater (p. 45). In an inscription of the British Museum,
DXLVIII, T. Claudius P. Callixenus of Hierapolis is mentioned as
a pupil of the sophist Soteros at Ephesos\66/. Epictetus was a
native of Hierapolis; but probably did not owe much to the
education of his native city.
/---
\62/ The names of the sons have a Christian appearance, and the
unusual freedom in granting the use of the tomb seems unlike
Pagan feeling, and very like Christian freedom and usage in
regard to common sepulture. Compare inscr. 27.
\63/ Zosimus evidently paid the expense of these coins, as
Apollodotus did at Lounda (no. 86). Mr. Head compares at
Tripolis <gk>@t@' 0 '@ll (116810POr ff xip-(@-)</>, and at
Ephesos <gk>6 vfw(K4p.r) E7reXIIP(-$e)</>, Catalogue of Coins of
Ionia p. 76.
\64/ CIL III 7059. Caracalla or Severus are not absolutely
excluded: the fragment belongs to one of the three.
\65/ Coins of Caracalla and of Julia Domna have the title, p. 59
n.
\66/ Soteros of Ephesos is mentioned by Philostratos <ti>Vit.
Soph.</> II 23 as a very inferior sophist.
\---
[[108]]
The following festivals or games are known at Hierapolis:
<gk>AK T IA</> quoted by Eckhel from an autonomous coin.
<gk>AK(TI A) - n(YOI)A</>, Annia Faustina, T81ionnet III 3o6\67/.
<gk>AK T I A</> and <gk>TTYO I A</> each on an urn (type Demos) Br. Mus.
<gk>nyo IA</> Gallienus Imhoof MG p. 403; Elagabalus Eckhel\67/.
<gk>A H Tn E I A n Yo I A</> in a crown (type Demos) Br. Mus.
<gk>AHTNE I A nyo I A</> CIG 3910.
<gk>ATTOAANN I A - nYO I A</> CIG 3428 (Hadrianeia mentioned).
The <gk>Actia</> were of course founded in honour of the victory
of Actium. That event seems to have been hailed with joy in
Lydia, several of whose cities took it as an era to reckon
from\68/. These games therefore attest the Lydian connexion of
Hierapolis. Tripolis must apparently have been favoured by
Antonius, and his popularity seems to have been great in the
Cibyratic <lt>conventus</> and along the Maeander, to judge from
the frequency of the name afterwards. The <gk>Actia Pythia</>,
if the name be a real one, must be identified with the Actia\67/.
The Pythia, Letoi%a-Pythia, Apollonia-Pythia, and Letoia, must
probably be taken as four different names for the great festival
of the city-cultus.
Mr. Head mentions games Chrysanthina at Hierapolis; but I find no
certain proof of this. Alliance coins of Hierapolis and Sardis
show the games Pythia (representing the former) and Chrysanthina
(representing the latter); and Sardian coins boast of the
Chrysanthina. The name is probably derived, as Mr. Head
suggests, from the use of the corn-marigold (<gk>Xp6o-avOoy</>)
in the victor's wreath. The flower, in that case, must have been
sacred to Cybele; and the games were held in her honour. It
would be quite natural that the same custom and the same name
should exist at Hierapolis as at Sardis; but the coins in the
British Museum that bear the names of both festivals are all
alliance coins.
It was probably the old-standing religious importance of
Hierapolis that led Justinian, some time before A. D. 553
(perhaps in 535), to make it a metropolis for ecclesiastical
purposes, if not also for civil purposes. A district of Phrygia,
Pacatiana, was separated from the rest of the province and placed
under it\69/. This new district may be
/---
\67/ The coin is said to read <gk>AK-TTA</>: ought we not to read
<gk>AKTIA</> and eliminate the games Actia Pythia? In ClG 3910
Actia and Letora-Pythia are distinguished.
\68/ Palaiapolis, Philadelpheia, and Tralla, Ch. V App. IV.
\69/ At the Council of 680 Sisinnios of Hierapolis, signed
<gk>Lvip tliaVrO@ Kat riv LW ca@ avvisou</>; and the division is
doubtless older than the Council of 553, where Hierapolis ranks
as a metropolis.
\---
[[109]]
termed Phrygia Hierapolitana. The lists vary as to its extent;
some assign to it a district on the south-west frontier of
Pacatiana, containing Attouda, Mossyna, Dionysopolis,
Anastasiopolis, and Metellopolis; while others add a second
district in the north-west, including Ankyra, Synaos,
Tiberiopolis, Aizanoi and Kadoi. It is certain that at the
second council of Nikaia, A. D. 787, both districts were under
Hierapolis; while it is equally certain that at the Quinisextan
Council in 692 the northwestern district was under Laodiceia and
only the south-western under Hierapolis. It is therefore clear
that between 692 and 787 A. D. a district including five cities
in the north-west of Pacatiana was taken from Laodiceia and
assigned to Hierapolis\70/. This change may be assigned to one of
the early iconoclast emperors, when re-organizing the empire,
after the disorder of the seventh century; but the new
arrangement had only ecclesiastical, not political, significance,
for the themes had already come into existence, and the provinces
had no political meaning. A table showing the list of bishoprics
subject to Hierapolis in the Councils and Notitiae is annexed as
App. III.
§ 12. MAGISTRATES AND MUNICIPAL INSTITUTIONS. The Greek
political institutions seem not to have taken deep root in
Hierapolis. The inscriptions mention the Senate, but only as a
receiver of sepulchral fines; they mention the Record-office as
containing copies of sepulchral inscriptions; they mention the
Gerousia as guardian of graves; and they mention an annual
gymnasiarch, and an agoranomos. On the coins, which are a
thoroughly political institution, we find Senate, Demos,
Gerousia, Archons, Strategoi, Grammateus, and Prytanis\71/; also
Euposia and Eubosia, the former an impersonation of the public
banquets, and the latter of the fertility of the soil (as in CIG
3906), both being forms of the mother-goddess of the city in her
civic aspect\72/.
In one case we find a date by a magistrate Stephanephoros\73/.
On the analogy of Iasos and other cases (Ch. 11 § 9), we
understand him
/---
\70/ Incidentally we have a proof that the lists of bishoprics
were not always corrected up to date. Notitia I of Parthey (more
correctly given by Gelzer, Georg. Cypr., who dates it about 820-
840) does not give this new arrangement of Phrygia, though it
gives the re-arranged district Amoriana, which was cut out of
Phrygia and Galatia about 820-829 (it is Not. Basilii p. 121).
\71/ The Epimeletes, Claudius Pollio Asiarch, belongs to
Hieropolis in Phrygia Salutaris.
\72/ M. Imhoof-Blumer (MG p. 402) considers the two forms to be
mere variants in spelling, but they are distinct terms. At
Smyrna the public banquets were directed by a Euposiarch (CIG
3385), Eubosia was a goddess at Akmonia.
\73/ CIG 3912a <gk>-F'lr't aTfOaiql)jpov 2@tTov T6 j</>.
\---
[[110]]
to be the civic representative of the supreme power which had
once belonged to the chief-priest of Leto and Lairbenos, wearing
the garland which marked him as holding the place of the god.
Just as the old title <gk>aO-LXEV'g</> often persisted in Greek
cities as a municipal office after the ancient kingly power had
fallen into disuse, so apparently the Stephanephoros continued as
an official of many cities after the old priestly authority had
been destroyed. See pp. 56, 103.
§ 13. GEROUSIA\74/. The only municipal institution about which
we learn anything from the inscriptions of Hierapolis is the
Gerousia. The Gerousiai of the Asian cities under the Empire
were bodies of great importance; but their character is rather
obscure. It is, on the one band, clear that the Gerousia was
broadly distinguished in its nature from the Senate. The Senate
was the politically administrative council of the city: the
Gerousia was not a council for administering the municipal
government. On the other hand the Gerousia was more than a mere
club for the older citizens; it had various powers, and performed
various duties which gave it considerable influence, and the
Senate, the Demos, and the Gerousia often united in the preamble
to honorary decrees\75/. It is not certain that its character was
the same in all Asian cities; probably it varied a little, though
without any serious difference. The Gerousia and the Neoi are so
often associated together that there must have been a certain
correspondence in character and purpose between them. The Neoi,
again, are undoubtedly closely connected with the Epheboi, though
neither
/---
\74/ Opinion among scholars differs widely about the character of
the Gerousia. Menadier, Hicks, Hogarth, Th. Reinach, consider
that it was a political body, whereas Mommsen and Waddington hold
that under the Empire it was merely an old men's club for social
purposes (the latter view seems to me to be nearer the truth,
allowing for the natural influence in the city acquired by a body
containing all the most experienced and the richest citizens):
Reinach holds that the Presbyteroi and the Gerousia were
different bodies, Hicks and Menadier that they were the same:
Reinach holds that the Presbyteroi of Iasos were indubitably a
mere social union, Hicks p. 77 considers that the powers and
duties of the Presbyteroi at Ephesos prove them (i.e. the
Gerousia) to have been a political body: Reinach holds that the
Presbyteroi at Magnesia were not the Gerousia, Cousin and
Deschamps say that they were obviously the same, BCH I 888 p.
211.
\75/ But no stress can be laid on this juxtaposition of the three
bodies as an argument that all were political in character; for
we find occasionally the Senate, Demos, Gerousia, and Neoi united
in such honorary decrees (BCH 1885 p. 74); and the Neoi were
merely the grown men of the city meeting for exercise and
pleasure as a club in a gymnasium. Such an expression as the
title at Miletos <gk>-yvpvaotapxi(rapra -rit YEPOvat'if Kat -r6p
vi(op</> (Ath. Mittyl. 1893 p. 268) seems a clear proof that the
Gerousia at Miletus was a social club like the Neoi.
\---
[[111]]
of these bodies came near the Gerousia in importance\76/. What,
then, were these three bodies?
The Epheboi were young men who were associated together according
to certain rules, under teachers in classes\77/, for purposes of
physical and moral training. Where the Epheboi award honours or
pass decrees, no more can be meant than would be implied in a
compliment paid by a whole college class to a benefactor or
teacher. But the education of the citizen was not considered
complete when he passed out of the Epheboi (about the age of 20),
and moreover, by association in clubs, various pleasures and
advantages could be gained which individuals could not get for
themselves. This led to the organization, general in Asian
cities, of the men over twenty in associations called Neoi.
These associations were closely connected with the Gymnasia; and
the Gymnasiarch, who regulated the public training of the
Epheboi, was also closely connected with the Neoi\78/.
The Neoi formed in each city a corporate body; they possessed
funds managed by their own officials (probably under the
oversight of the Gymnasiarch or the Nomothetes); they erected
statues, had sometimes a gymnasium appropriated to their own use,
passed decrees, &c. It is uncertain whether any of the members
contributed individually to the funds; probably bequests,
benefactions, and municipal aid kept them up without much
contribution, especially in great cities. They even parodied the
government of the city by having a Senate and Demos of their
own\79/; but these assemblies are more frequently mentioned among
the Epheboi, in which case obviously they could not be much more
than our Parliamentary Debating Societies.
The Gerousia was developed, probably, out of the association of
older men for mutual advantage; but naturally their needs and
wishes differed from those of Neoi. Being composed of older men
the Gerousia had necessarily from the first much greater weight,
/---
\76/ The Gerousia is far more widely spread and more frequently
mentioned than the body of Neoi, and the latter than the Epheboi.
The latter occur only where the Greek organization has taken deep
root.
\77/ <gk>@E(Aqiiot P,6repot,,uioo,</>, and <gk>7rpfo-,66-
,rfpot</> at Chios (CIG 2214).
\78/ The <gk>irai8er</> also assembled in a Gymnasium, where they
were grouped in classes and instructed; and where they were under
the general surveillance, in Iasos at least, of a magistrate
termed <gk>7ratBop4lAos-</>. Probably Iasos may be taken as a
fair specimen of the educational arrangements of an Asian Greek
city: there were in it four Gymnasia (three for <gk>ZgSY)19oz,
viot</>, and <gk>7rpeog@repoi</>, each under a gymnasiarch).
Ephebarch was a mere honorary title (like <lt>princeps
iuventutis</>), not an office. Neoi and presbyteroi at Iasos
were also directed by committees of <gk>810&Kqrat</>. See M. Th.
Reinach in Rev. E/t. Gr. 1893 p. 161 f.
\79/ E.g., at Pergamos, where they had a gymnasium: Hermes 1873
Pp. 42, 45.
\---
[[112]]
arising from the superior influence and wealth of individual
members. A resolution of the Gerousia had some analogy to a
senatus auctoritas, a decree vetoed by a tribune and therefore
devoid of legal force, yet having the weight naturally attaching
to the mere opinion of a body so influential and respected.
Numerous inscriptions attest that it was entrusted with the
disposal of large sums of money, sometimes presented or
bequeathed for definite purposes, or on condition that the
Gerousia arranged for the performance of certain duties.
Especially the Gerousia was trusted in many cases with the charge
of tombs and of solemnities at regular intervals performed beside
them. Penalties for the violation of the tomb were often made
payable to the Gerousia, to give it a motive for attending to the
matter; and often a bequest (<gk>o-TEOaVWTLKO'V</>) was made to
it, the interest of which was payable annually to those members
who placed garlands on the grave of the testator. Naturally, the
Elders were the body which was thought most likely to interest
itself in such matters as the guardianship and preservation of
tombs.
The inscriptions show what importance was attached in Asia Minor
to the care of tombs, and the Gerousia, as the body most trusted
in these cases, became very wealthy corporations. The charge of
such large revenues was a serious matter, and besides a
<gk>TauL'av</> (appointed by the members) there was often a
<gk>\OYLOT'g</>, or public auditor and controller of their
accounts. Considering what care the Imperial government bestowed
on the finances of the cities we are not surprised to find
Hadrian appointing a logistes for the Ephesian Gerousia (CIG 2987
b, BM CCCCLXXXVI). The money owned by the Gerousia, of course,
was lent out at interest. This is specified as the intention of
many bequests; and the vouchers for money lent (by the Gerousia)
are mentioned at Ephesus (BM CCCCLXXXI 206, cp. CCCCLXXXVI).
The Gerousia had, as a rule, some building as their centre, a
clubhouse and meeting-house combined. In Sardis the palace of
Croesus was appropriated to the use of the Elders, and in
Thyatira a basilica in the forum of Hadrian\80/; in Nikomedeia
the building was termed Gerousia (Plin. ad Traj. 33); in Sidyma
and in many other places it was a gymnasium; at Teos it was a
stoa; at Nysa it was called Gerontikon.
The <gk>O-VV98PLOV 7-@V yepovo-iav</> was not a committee or
council of the
/===
\80/ <lt>Croesi domus quam Sardiani civibus ad requiescendum
aetatis otio seniorum collegio Gerusiam dedicaverunt</> Vitruv.
II 8, 10. <gk>oLKov 13ao,&XIKOZ TOO e'v 7-tL 'Aapta-Pfgq),
OLKoi9a(TL),IKOV TOU T179 'YEPOV(rar</> Clerc de rebus
Thyatirenorum p. 20, CIG 3491, BCH 1887 p. 100).
\---
[[113]]
Elders, but denoted the entire body. Other equivalent terms are
<gk>,Tvo--r?71ia, O-VV98PLOV T@v -rpfo-,8uTE'po)v</>\81/, or
<gk>ovvE'8piop</> simply. As to officials, besides
<gk>'raulag</> and <gk>Xoyia-,r's,</>, we find <gk>7rpoa--rdr-qg,
ypauuaTE69</>. The Gymnasiarch was, at Hierapolis, the
controller of the funds of the Gerousia.
So far the Gerousia might seem to be only a club of the older
citizens; but the following facts point to the existence of
restrictions on the number and to conditions of admission. The
rank of Senator and Elder is often mentioned, evidently with the
implication that each title denoted a grade of honour. When a
Gerousia was formed at Sidyma about the end of the second
century, there were exactly one hundred members in it. At
Sillyon, in the third century, a certain Menodora distributed to
each senator eighty-six denarii, to each elder eighty, to each
demotes seventy-seven, to each ordinary citizen nine, and each
freedman three. This proves that the Senate, Gerousia, and Demos
were assemblies limited in number, and shows the comparative rank
of each. The large revenues of the Gerousia alone would suffice
to raise it above the rank of a mere club, and make it a great
and influential institution.
At Hierapolis the Gerousia seems to have been arranged in groups
or classes, and a list of the members in each class was given in
a separate tablet (Pyxion). There were at least eight such
classes. Bequests were sometimes left, not to the whole
Gerousia, but to the particular pyxion in which the testator
might be. In inscr. 20 the deceased, Apollonios, had left to the
eighth pyxion three hundred denarii; in other two cases the
testator, while still living, bequeaths three hundred denarii to
whatever class he may be in at his death. The person who was
living did not know in what class he would be at the time of his
death\82/; therefore there must have been some rule,
/---
\81/ M. Th. Reinach distinguishes between the <gk>7rpeTS@fpot</>
and the Gerousia, Rev. E/t. Gr. 1893 p. 162; but I cannot believe
he is right. MM. Cousin and Deschamps rightly remark BCH 1888 p.
211 that the <gk>a6,r,ripa 7-Cop irpc(rl3VTE'P(os</> at Magnesia
Mae. is proved by their inscription to be the same as the
Gerousia. The <gk>irpe(rft@fpot</> at Ephesos were certainly the
Gerousia, see Hicks 77, Menadier 57. Reinach rightly says that
the <gk>rPt,o-iS6repog</> at Iasos are clearly proved by the
inscriptions to be a mere association of elderly citizens without
any political character; but he is not right in inferring that
they were different from the Gerousia. So far as I can gather,
his sole argument for distinguishing the two bodies is that the
Presbyteroi were social, the Gerousia political. But when we
find that the Gerousia is fundamentally social, the argument
loses all weight. Add. 35.
\82/ <gk>irvtt'co o7rov a'p ivxaTaXq(hOrA or @v ' a'p --XIOL</>
(CIG 3912, 3919, Wadd. 1680, 1681). The idea that these bequests
are made by persons who were not yet Elders, but expected to
become so in due course, need not be considered.
\---
[[114]]
whether seniority or otherwise, whereby the Elders passed on from
class to class. The members of the Gerousia, then, were not
arranged according to tribes, as we saw that the members of the
Laodicean senate were during the first century at least; but some
other system of classification prevailed.
**
[[115]]
APPENDIX 1.
INSCRIPTIONS OF HIERAPOLIS.
17. - (R- 1883)- (1),kaBtav'og O' KaL MOVOYOVLV E' aPL(rTro Ti oEa
Probably we should read Movoyf'Vqg or Mqvoyf'vl7v.
18. (R. i88i). Found at Tralleis in Lydia: published ill-oug.
Sin. no. ,utY, with some slight differences. 'AyaO' Ti;X-q. A.
Av'pqXLa [Ajt'[a]&,Xt'al 4E'K ?rpoydv&)v irakkaKL'8(OV Ka't
av&7rro7rdb(A)v, Ovy4T71p A. Av'p. MEKOV'VBOV E?I[LIOV,
waXXaicEv'a-ac-a Ka'& Kara' Xpqo-iAov - Att I insert this, though
not a Hierapolitan inscription. The name Y-qLov is very
doubtful.
19. (R- 1887). Hogarth in Journ. Philol. i888 vol. XIX p. 77 f, no.!Z.
o-op6g Ka' 6 B(j)IA'v 'Iov,\L' v Max4E80VLKO@ 'V v
& 0 0 c o' MaKE80VLK'og KaL
"/A)3&og aV'Toii 'Ap[fL.] ' 'lov,\&'a - Kal lAnb[EV'tj @TE'PW
@fO'V Kl?bevO@vat - &v ov', a7TOT.E(C-ft Ta 4)"O'Kip (8-qvApta) 0
- [c'bloo-av b@ o' MaKfbOVLJCO[@], roiv 'F77,uta-
4,o'pot<v> ro@ 'ApXIyE'Tov 'ArdXXwvov 0-TEOaV(OTIK'OV IA'q(vav)
&'3 (bilva'pta) CO-O' Ka't [fA?7(v'og)] a', Y', (bilp4pLa) Co-O'.
I give the reading suggested by my friend W. R. Paton: Hogarth
has p', 7'7 O'@ av @6E'oL. After the death of Macedonicus his
sons gave-to the Semeiaphoroi of Apollo (probably because their
father had been one of them) two sums Of 72o8 den., to recompense
them for laying garlands on the grave on two days in each year,
i.e. on the anniversaries of the death of Macedonicus and his
wife. The Semeiaphoroi of Apollo occur only here. They might be
taken as workers of wonders, a class of persons corresponding to
the modern dervishes, who gashed themselves with knives and did
other strange things in a state of ecstasy@a natural
accompaniment of the mysteries and the enthusiastic ceremonial of
the Phrygian religion. But I prefer to interpret them as bearers
of the sign,' a society with a secret signal, like the Xenoi
Tekmoreioi (see Ch. III § 7)..
/---
\1/ Not AtiAtXLa (tribe).
\2/ With this doubtful restoration, com-
pare Arm. Elpine in Wadd. i688 (also
of Hierapolis).
\3/ The dav of the month seems to be
omitted by a fault of the engraver.
\---
[[116]]
20. (R. j887: Hogarth no. i). ['EvOa'6e 'A7roXj,\W'vtog O' EL-
rvXoOg MOXV,BEL E'VJCEK46EvraL a@ro'y - K-q64EVO?'(TE-rat 6@ Ka'L
[Th TE'Kva aZ]-ro@ 'A7ro,\Xwv'Ls
I
'A7rok,\W'vtog - aXX(o 6@ iEEa-Tat ov'bevt- 7' ' og COV T(a KaL
IaKOT [bi TO@ 'A7roX]Xo)v' oyb4(o ?rvet'q) riig yepov(Ttag
(8'qV.) T[P]Laic4o-tal 7rp6g T'o 8L'boo-OaL [a'7r'o -r]oO I TiKov
aLT@v -roig E',\OoOo7t Kat 0-T4EOav(t')o-a(Ft T'o YELVDIAEPOV
@Ka'07T(t) av'r@v Uqvag ic 4E v a E TLg TCOV Ka[r' E'T]os-
yviAvaG-LapX@V T6 o--rEoav(A)TLK6V U@ 8,avEL'IA[-,q, IFI(r7-at
Z7r.EV'Ootvov T@ 'A7ro',\(,)P, (bi7.v. -) KAO(.)g i 'a7roX7'1
7rEp,E'xt i @ta TCov apXELcov boOEZ(Ta - 7r@OVO '(TOVCTIV 8E'
1101 Ta\ T4E'Kva 'A 7rO,\X&)V\tg Ka\L 'A7ro,\,\(t')VLOT T@g
7raTpLK@ig (TOPO@ @g 07TL'C-(d K-EL/AgV7lS - TOV'T?ig T@g
E'7rLypaip@g a'v-rL'ypa(pop a7r,E-rc'Oq 4EL'g Th a'pXEta.
Apollonios had died on the twentieth day of the eighth month; and
those Elders of his class who annually came on that day to lay a
garland on his tomb 2 are to divide the interest accruing from
his benefaction (which at nine I)er cent. would be 27 den.). The
gymnasiarch of the year is to distribute the gift, and if any
gymnasiarch fails to do so, he must pay as a fine to Apollo the
sum prescribed in the Apocha (reeeipt) passed through the record-
office. Until their death, the two children are to be guardians
of their father's sarcophagus, which is the one furthest back.
21. (R. 1887: Hogarth no. 9). ' o-op'og NLKoji 'bvs.
'A7roX,\o)vL'Ov Mora-71 71 ,\&'809, E'V " K'qbEVO
'a-ET-at alriv - @TE'P(p b@ oZbEv& f'64E'o--raL Kil84EvO@vat -
Et' 8@ Iq 71 "7 frep (t) to' /A , 6 K?I&E'aav ov 6
'(TIC-L 7-@ (P' K]q) 8'qV. TO@TOV a'vT&'ypa(pov
a7rETE'Oil @L'v -rh a'pxfia. The name Motalis (probably
connected with Motalla or Motella) is the feminine of a Cilician
name Motales, which, as Sachau has shown, is the grecized form of
Mutallu, the name of an old Hittite king; see Ch. IV § 13.
Apollonios is designated by his mothers name, see § 6, and
compare EV'Tv'xqv 7raTpo'v ab',kov, a member of gerousia, and
Neiketes, son of Parthena, a member of senate and gerousia at
Sidyma (Beundorf Lykia I p. 74), Sterrett E. J. no. 2i, Headlam
JHS i892 p. 29 f, and below, no. 92. Menodoros son of Euphemia,
8trategos at Attaleia of Lydia, is another excellent example, see
BCH i 887 p. 4011 (wliere I cannot agree with M. Radet's
interpretation, wliieh he himself says e8i embarra8sant) 3. See
p. izg. For the iln'bvg compare K' pvg Hogarth 4-genitive form
NLKO ob
22. (R. i884)- Published already in CIG 3go6. In large letters
in
/---
\1/ The error of the engraver has put
-rEtaK6trLa On the stone.
\2/ Compare oreoai,@Lo-ty oL avyyejicv nXevpc(i8a& in an epitaph
of Myrina (Ath. Mittlt. i889 p. 89).
\3/ The well-known Coan list, found in @long-grecized island,
perhaps pens up questions different from those which concern us.
Mr. Paton,. p. 256, differs from Rayet, who saw in it proof of
matriarchal institutions in Cos: Toepffer, Att. Geneal. p. I93,
agrees with Rayet. The question must remain an open one.
\---
[[117]]
the auditorium of the theatre. ('tkewv V'IAEZP O' 'ApX7?y@rqg 1.
Compare iEt,kedg(!),uot 6 OEdg in Thrace A. F, 8 2
p.A,Iitth.1894P-99;seeBCHi 83P-32 .
23. (R- 1887: Hogarth 110. 2ii). A. i a-op'o['g AovKt'ov?]
lep)37lvtov (AovxL'Ov ?) @oO rl(a),\art'va TEPTL'OV [Ka'L] -
rf'Kvwv av'Toi) - avvxwp@ 'A-7roX,\wvt'fi) TIE0@VaL - K.T.,\.
B. o-op6g'AXoXtov'AIA/AfLavoOMO,\V,3a iK 7rpOYOVIELK@g btaboy,@v.
The father's name has been omitted by the engraver: errors in
writing the unfamiliar Latin arrangement of personal names are
common in Greek inscriptions.
The tomb, which was used for [L.] Servenius Tertius, probably in
this early second century, was appropriated by Acholios, son of
Ammianos, son of Molybas, in the fourth or fifth century, who
declares that he has it by hereditary succession. The assertion
has all the appearance of being false, designed to cover the
appropriation. Such appropriation of former tombs was often made
in Christian times, and the process was called a'vavE'wo-tg,
apapEoso-Oat. With Molybas ep. MOIYX p. 310-
L. Servenius Tertius seems to have derived his name from a
wellknown and influential family (see Akmonia), one member of
which was legatit* pro praetore of the proconsul Aponius
Satuininus 75-90 A. D.
24. (R. 1887: Hogarth no. I3). A. i o-ojp'ov ica't 6 7rfp'L
aV'T7'IV 70'7rOg Av'p-qXL'Ov MAyvov [oZoET]epavo@ keyt@vov reo-
(Y-apEo-KaLbEica-r?lv [rf/AL'V'qg- iV x7lbEvO?lo-cTat 6 Ma'YPOg
Kai i a-v'v,3Lov av',-o@ 'IXa'pa.
B. 7'7 aop'og Ka'L 6 7rEp'L av'rl'qv rO'7rov bLaq5' L Mipicov
AZp[-q,\L'Ov] 'Ho-vXL'U) 8'Lg iK 7rapaXwp'o-fo)g 'ATTabLavo@
Ilawtov.
This seems to be a case of double ownership and burial. There is
no apparent connexion between the two inscriptions. The twelfth
legion was stationed in Pannonia from A.D. 92 onwards, as late as
the fifth century. Magnos seems to be of late third or fourth
centtiry; and to be later than Hesychios. Another soldier,
Hogaith DO. 4; a third, C. Seius Atticus optio leg. VI CIG 3932-
25. (R. 1887: Hogarth no. 8). ' o-op'og Ka'L O' irEpL azt@v -
ro'7rog A@p7l-Xt'at MaPKL'av 'ATTa',\OV - e'V 7' lCnbEVO 'aftat
A@p 'Xtov Kap7roojpog rlao-o-TL'kxag 71 71 AZp Kat -qXL'a MapKLa
i yv@ a"UTo@ -roi; Kap7ro4pdpOV, KaO('ag 7rpoyE'Ypa7rTat, KaL Ta
iraLbL'a @g MapKt'ag - la'V 8' e'rEP69 ' T&V K'qbtVOn^, b(t')O-
4EL T(; '&EpCt)TILTq) TaIAEC'(,t) L I
/---
\1/ BCH i 886 p. 453 does not belong to Hierapolis. Ibid. p.
519 no. i6 belongs to HierApolis; and its attribution to Tralleis
is quite erroneous. M. Kontole0n, who publishes it, has in this
and in several other cases been deceived by careless collectors
of texts.
\2/ 'rfpdv 'rts xi4Re6irz would be more logical.
\---
[[118]]
bnv. q)'. The tomb belongs to the wife, who provides that
children by a second wife -,hall Dot be admitted. The husband's
names are remarkable. Karpophoros is an epithet of Demeter; and
names from that cultus were therefore used in the family, so
that we may explain Passtillas on the same principle. It is
probably a diminutive form from Pastophoros, bearer of the
_I)agtos or 'pasta8. The _pasto8 played an important part iii
the mystic ceremonial (Clement Alex. 1)7-ot?-el)t. 2; Schol. on
Plato p. 123, ed. Rubnken; Arnobius adv. Ceizte8 V 2o, quoted by
F. Lenormant iii C,witenip. -Review i88o 11 p. 146); and 7rao-T-
o-pipot bore small pa8loi in processions 1.
26. Published Ho?tv. 8m. no. v7rO'. The text is unsatisfactory.
?'I O-e/A-ZWTLK6[v] BoaTov (?) irpCOT-ov OEpya-Pora,rn cpya(Tia -
r@v E'PL07TXVT6v Tto. KX. 0 t
IE E ta T?ly [PI Ka'
4)LI\4TEL[LOP Ka'& 'aywvoO',r-qv ica'L ypalLaT'a va@v 7-@v E'v
'Ao-'. Ka'& 7TPCO-,6.EVT'nV E'p6oeov Ka't a'pXtEpf'a, -
EZepyE'Tqv @v 7raTpL'bog. ffpovoqa-av-rwp T?IT I f avao-7-a'U-
EWS' T@V 7TEP'L M. AZp. A7roXX(O'vtov 8'tv FIvXCova K7-,\.
27. (R. 1887: Hogarth no. 25). i o-op@g #car 6 'r47rOg KaO' 'OV
K4EZTat ical 6 r.,Ep't AZT@V TO'7rOg KaO4'Wg 6 7rqXt(Y-IA6g bta'
T@g ICT 'ITCWG bqXo[@]Tat, 'AulAtavo6 ALojcX,E'ovv To@ Mcpa'vbpov
uvpo7rw'.kov 4'Ev I' K'qbEVO'O-ETat aZT'og Ka't i yvv' alko@
rIpOlp 'TLkXa Zwo-LiAov. r@g e'7rypa(p@g -raV'Tllg @vT-t'ypa-pov
a'7ro')CELTat ip Toiv &pXEL'Otg. The plot round the grave was
measured and fully described in the record of the purchase. The
name Prophetilla is perhaps Christian, and if so it was bestowed
on this woman during the time when womenprophets were a feature
of the Christianity of Anatolia, i. e. in the Catholic Church
before the latter part of the second century, and in the
Mont,anist Church even after that time. There is nothing to mark
this inscription as later than 200; but it is unlikely to be much
earlier. The name Prophetilla occurs only here; it is formed on
Latin analogy, ep. Falconilla, Septimilla, &c.
28. (R. i 887: Hogarth no. 26, p. 98). A. i O-Op@g Ka't 6 lrfp'L
aZT7'lv ,rO7rOg (rVV TW V7TOKLiAEP(p 3aOpLK(; Map. A@.
ALobo')Pov KOPL40-KOV i7r&K,\?IV 'Aa-,6j,kov v(E(t)TE, ov?) - C'V
ICTIbEVO'O-.ETat av'T6g Ka'L i yvp' a@-ro@ ic@ Ta' rEKva p avTOO
- 7TIEPLW'V TE K'qbEV'G-O) 'oV 'aV,80VX?IOCO Z7-E'P,W bi
ov'bEv'L ceEo-Tat X'qbEvOivaL'
I I - , I
C' bi IA4, d'7rOTELO-L 7TPO(rTELIAOV T(t) LEP(A)TAT 'W 8'qV.
4p', Kai O-IEILVOT4T7 E I TAIAEL , I ' bi?v. 4)'- o'aov 'v
iropt'o-,ng B' v, 4,aE 7rapob-El-ra, E'b'g 5TL r6 re')Lov
yEpov(r&4? a LO 0) L)A@v -ro@ S&'ov -raOTa.
/---
\1/ Meister's statement (reported in Ckm. Rev. 1893 p. 317;
Berl. Philol. Woch. DeC. 24,1892) that pastoi in Greek temples
were only used in connexion with shrines for the worship of
Egyptian deities is not true of the temples at Eleusis and in
Phrygia.
\---
[[119]]
B. KarE,\Et*a b@ ica't r@ a-vvEbpL'(d T@g 7rpOE6pL'a3 7'611
710ppvpa,6a'.Pov 6-qv. y ,'g a7rOKavo-iA'Ov TC)v TTATTNN TFI -
lO",-Ip ip@pq ZK T.@ 7-dKOV AV'TC)II - 4E&' bc' TLV a,Af,\4o--EL
AZT@V 76 JA@ a7TOKaOo-al, yEV90-OaL T'o KaTaXEI\IELIAIE'VOV T@g '
aolav ,ig OpelAlAaTIK@g - K'qbEVO 'U-(Tat bi Ka'& @ yV],@.
IEPY
This remarkable inscription has been published by M. Waddington,
no. 1687, with differences'. The language is in many points so
unusual, that like M. Waddington I have been led to interpret it
as Christian (see Expogitor Dec. i 888 p. 414 f), understanding
that the aim in inscriptions of this class was to keep up an
appearance of legality. The ChristianS Were, as I think, the
dominant class in most Phrygian cities after A. D. 200; they
registered themselves as collegia tenuiorum (I)ig. 47, 22), and
accommodated themselves in all permissible ways to the Roman law.
Ideas and objects which were strictly Christian were indicated by
terms of ordinary pagan use or by terms unknown and
unintelligible to the vulgar, so that the document, read
cursorily, should be like an ordinary epitaph-testament, though
the more careful reader finds subtle differences. Pagan
inscriptions require celebrations at the tomb on the anniversary
of the day of death, but here the day is i OE'OLIAOV ipe'pa, i.
e. some definite and customary day, which was familiar to those
who understood the meaning of T7ArinN. Burning of objects,
moreover, is not known to have formed part of the pagan
sepulchral ritual. The language is here adapted to resemble
pagan usage and formulas; but when scrutinized it is seen to be
quite different in character.
If I be wrong in tal-ing this text as Christian, it remains very
important. The fpyao-ta OpEIAuarLc ' must be an organization for
looking after foundlings (OpE',ulAaTa, Op4E7r-roL), and it is
difficult to reconcile such an institution, with paganism except
as influenced by Christianity. The 'council of proedroi of the
Porpllyrabaphoi (or -pheis)' would, in a pagan inscription, prove
that a trade-guild was directed not simply by an epiglate,v (§ i
i), but also by a council of p@-oe,-Iroi'. But years of further
experience only deepen my sense of the inconsistency between this
text and the pagan inscriptions.
/---
\1/ He gives the name as Kopiaicov and 'Ao-i9i[a,rjqp (sic, not
in gen.). I have not perfect confidence in the reading 'Aai9dXov
N, but the rest is I think certain.
MychiefobjectinvisitingHieraPolis in 1887 was to recopy this
inscription; and I worked long and carefully at it (aided by
Hogarth's eye on some details of difficulty).
\2/ I believe that the Porphyrabaphoi are the Christian Church,
directed by the council of presbyteroi under presidency of the
episkopos; and that the OpeulAa-rttc4 epyao-La is the charitable
fund connected with the church. The money, if not applied
entirely to purpose of ceremonial, is to be used for charity.
\---
[[120]]
APPENDIX II.
BISHOPS OF HIERAPOLIS.
Le Quien mixes up Hieropolis of Saliiiaris with this Hierapolis; and
gives the bishops in a single list in Phrygia Salutaris.
1. Heros, appointed by St. Philip.
2. Papias.
3. Claudius Apollinaris.
4. Flaccus Conc. Aricae7i. 325 co?iveat. Phi["PPOp. 344-
5. Lucius is said to have been present at the council held in
Constantinople in reference to Agapius and Bagadius, the rival
claimants of the bishopric of Bostra, Leunclav. Jits G?-aeco-
Rom. IV p. 247 (Le Quien).
6. Abeiieatios, Beneatios, Beneagas, Bennantius, 431- Paul the
presbyter was present at the Council of Ephesos on his behalf.
7. Stephanus Concil. Ephes. 11 449- 7 A. Tatianits. 4ddenla.
8. PhilippUS 458-
9. AuxanOR 553-
10. Sisinnios 68o.
11. Ignatius 869, 879. I purchased in i883 a seal with the
legend i r N AT I W M H T P 0 T7 I E P ATT, wliieh I gave as a
marriage-gift to my friend Itev. S. S. Lewis of Cambridge. The
custodian reports that it cannot now be found in his collection,
which is the property of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
12. Nicon transferred to Nicaea by Photius (Niceph. Callist- XIV
38)-
13. Arseber 997, Ju8 Graeco-Rom. p. 203 (Le Quieii).
14. Constantine, metropolitan of Hierapolis, pnrebased the Paris
A Manuscript of Plato. Prof. L. Campbell, my informant, would
date him about iooo. Sec p. 14.
15. Georgius, metropolitan of Hierapolis, was present in i ][ 66
at the second council held under the Patriarch Lueas Chrysoberga;
and metropolitan bishops of Hierapolis were present at C'ouncils
held in io66, 1143 and ii86. In all these cases it may be taken
as certain that the Phrygian city and not the Syrian (metropolis
of Eupliratesia Commagene) is meant; though Le Quien is doubtful.
16. Philippiis? See Schlumberger Sigillogralihie p. 255-
A(Z(le2ida.
[[121]]
APPENDIX III.
CITIES OF PHRYGIA HIERAPOLITANA (instituted c. 536, enlarged c- 74o, see p. T09).
Revised editions of the list given in NOT. III.
COUIVCXLS NOT. VII. Not. VII. NOT. DE BOOR NoT. LEONIS C. 1100.
553, 68o, 692. e- 700 A.D. NOT. c. 750-800. COUNCIL 787. 0. goo. NOT. X.
NOT. IX. NOT. VIII. C. 1200.
1. Hierapolis Auxanon, 553 I I I 1 1 Sisinnios, 68o
2. Metellopolis 2 2 2 2 3 vices agens. 2 2 Eudoxios presb. et
3. Dionysopolis Alexander, 553 3 3 - 3 4 Basilios - -
4. Annstasiopolis Stephanus, 536 - - 3 4 5 5 Phoba 5 Phoba Hieron, 553
5. Attouda Stephanus, 692 4 4 4 5 7 3 3
6. Mossyna Joannes, 692 5 5 5 6 8 Theophylaktos 4 4
7. Ankyra - - - - - 6 Constans 6 6
8. Synaos - - - - - 10 Stephanos 7 7
9. Tiberiopolis - - - - - 2 Michael 8 8
10. Kadoi - - - - - 11 Theodoros 9 9
11. Aizanoi - - - - - 9 Joannes 10 10
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NOTES.-The numbered Notitiae after Parthey (Hiero & set Notitiae
Gr. Ep., Berlin, i866).
Not. Basilii and Leon is after Gelzer (Georgii @i Descr. Orb. Bo))t.,
'@ips.,i8go). Not.deBoorasinZeitschr.f.Kirchengesch.XII520. The
dates are very rough. The foll owing
spellings are notable:-
2. Mekovir6Xns in VII; ML,7akkovroxcws in X. 3. Aiopvaiov 7r@,\ews in VII. 4. 'A-ryov8cvt, in VIII; A6TO@BWY in III- 5. Mea4;,w;, in VII. 7. 'Aytcvpo.
rvya@ in de B. io. KdX6ovs in de B.; Kay(Zy in III. ii. Zav&i, in III, X. S. @6,6vls at Concil. 879.
//end, 5 Oct 1998 scan rak//