ORTHODOXY AND HERESY IN EARLIEST CHRISTIANITY
by Walter Bauer>
[German original, copyright J.C.B.Mohr, Tu%bingen, 1934]
Second German Edition
ed and supplemented by Georg Strecker>
[Copyright J.C.B.Mohr, Tu%bingen, 1964]
English Translation
ed and supplemented by Robert A. Kraft>
and Gerhard Kroedel>
with a team from the
Philadelphia Seminar on Christian Origins
[Copyright Fortress Press, Philadelphia, 1971]
Updated Electronic English Edition
by Robert A. Kraft>
[Copyright Robert A. Kraft, 25 February 1991]
Codes for electronic version:
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...> second level heading [etc.]
...> title of ancient source
...> title of modern work
...> emphasis
...> highlight (set off from context)
...> editor and/or translator
...> Greek word(s)
...> Latin word(s)
...> Syriac word(s)
...> Hebrew word(s)
...> German word(s)
Contents>
Foreword to the Second German Edition, by Georg Strecker> xi
Introduction to the English Edition, by Robert A. Kraft> xiii
ORTHODOXY AND HERESY IN EARLIEST CHRISTIANITY
by Walter Bauer>
Introduction, ET by Robert A. Kraft> xxi
1. EDESSA, ET by John E. Steely> (text) and
Robert A. Kraft> (notes) 1
General History since Alexander the Great 1-2
Earliest Christianity There: Sources and Their Value
Eusebius and the Abgar Legend 2-12
Edessene Chronicle to the Fourth Century 12-17
Reconstruction of Earliest Christian History
"Orthodoxy" before Ku^ne^ in the Fourth Century
(Palu^t) 17-22
Predecessors and Competitors of Palu^tian
Christianity: Marcion, Bardesanes, Mani, and
Their Literature (Diatessaron>, Pauline
Epistles) 22-32
Ku^ne^ and the Emergence of a Powerful "Orthodoxy":
Dissemination of the Abgar Legend, Attacks on
Rival Groups, Vindication of Paul through Acts
of Paul/"3 Corinthians"> 32-43
2. EGYPT, ET by David Hay> 44
Silence of Sources concerning "Orthodoxy" in the
Earliest Period of Egyptian Christianity 44-49
Earliest Known Representatives and Literature:
Syncretistic Gnostic Writings, Gospel of the
Egyptians> and Gospel of the Hebrews> 49-53
Establishment of Ecclesiastical Christianity under
Demetrius and His Successors 53-56
The Half-century before the Victory of Demetrius:
Origen and Clement of Alexandria 56-60
3. IGNATIUS OF ANTIOCH AND POLYCARP OF SMYRNA;
MACEDONIA AND CRETE, ET by Gerhard Krodel> 61
Ignatius and the Monepiscopate: 61-63
The Situation in Christian Antioch 63-66
and among His Addressees in Asia Minor 66-69
Polycarp, Smyrna, and Philippi 69-74
Thessalonica 74-76
Crete (based on Dionysius of Corinth) 76
4. ASIA MINOR PRIOR TO IGNATIUS
ET by Gerhard Krodel> 77
The Addressees in Rev. I-3, Ignatius, and I Peter 77-83
Ephesus and Westem Asia Minor, and Jewish
Christian Influence There 83-89
Other Anti-Heretical New Testament Writings:
Jude, 2 Peter, Pastorals (and Pliny), 1-3 John 89-94
5. ROME AND CHRISTIANITY OUTSIDE OF ROME
ET by Stephen Benko> 95
Rome and Achaia: Corinth and 1 Clement> 95-106
Rome and the Opponents of Heresy in the Period
between 1 Clement> and Dionysius of Corinth 106-108
Rome and Christianity in Alexandria and Antioch 108-110
6. ROME'S PERSUASIVE AND POLEMICAL TACTICS
ET by Robert F. Evans> 111
Rome's Appeal to Apostles, Especially Peter, 111-118
and to Apostolic Succession 118-121
Roman Influence through Teaching and Material
Assistance 121-124
Roman-Corinthian Opportunism and Adaptability 124-129
7. THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN ORTHODOXY AND HERESY:
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS AND OPERATING PROCEDURES
ET by David Steinmetz> 130
Types of Confrontation: Oral and Written Polemics 130-132
The Montanist Controversy as an Example 132-146
8. THE USE OF LITERATURE IN THE CONFLICT
ET by Howard Bream and Robert L. Wilken> 147
Preservation of the Literature
Problem of Identifying Polemical Literature 147-148
The Evidence from Eusebius and His Special
Pleading for "Orthodox" Literature 149-158
The Problem of Forgery, Fals~cation, and
Public Exposure 158-168
Significance and Influence of Literature 168-169
Concentration of Anti-heretical Literature in the
Western Areas, and Paucity of Non-orthodox
Polemical Literature 170-173
Types of Literature (etc.) Used 173-190
Relative Numerical Strength of Orthodoxy and
Heresy 190-194
9. THE OLD TESTAMENT, THE LORD, AND THE APOSTLES
ET by Paul J. Achtemeier> 195
Old Testament: Its Role as a Formative Influence 195-202
Lord: Traditions about Jesus in General, 202-206
and the Fourth Gospel in Particular 206-212
Apostles: In General, 212-213
and Paul in Particular 213-228
10. THE BEGINNINGS, ET by John E. Steely and>
John J. O'Rourke> 229
Centrality of Rome for Christian "Orthodoxy" and
Its Victorious Expansion Eastward 229-232
Early Resistance to Christianity in the East and
the Course of the Pauline Mission 232-235
Flexibility, Recalcitrance, and Syncretism:
The Situation that Paved the Way for
Roman Orthodoxy 235-240
APPENDICES
by Georg Strecker>
1. ON THE PROBLEM OF JEWISH CHRISTIANITY
ET by Gerhard Krodel> 241
Jewish Christianity in General: Problems and
Perspectives 241-244
Legalistic, Greek-Speaking Jewish Christianity
The Didascalia>, an Indirect Witness 244-257
The Kerygmata Petrou> Source of
the ps.-Clementines 257-271
The Ecclesiastical Attitude and "Ebionism" 272-284
Conclusions 284-285
2. THE RECEPTION OF THE BOOK
revised and augmented by Robert A. Kraft>> 286
Reviews and Notices of the Original Edition:
Continental Protestant, English Language,
Roman Catholic, Synthetic Summary of the
Reviewers' Comments 286-297
Turner's Reply to Bauer 297-302
General Influence of the Book 302-303
Ehrhardt's Positive Appraisal 303-306
Contemporary German Scholarship 306-308
Summary and Prospectus 308-316
Comprehensive Index 317
[v]
Foreword to the Second German Edition>
@ In earliest Christianity, orthodoxy and heresy do not stand in
relation to one another as primary to secondary, but in many
regions heresy is the original manifestation of Christianity. In
the present work, Walter Bauer\1/ has developed this thesis in a
consistent fashion, and not only has called into question in a
fundamental way the traditional understanding of the development
of church history and the historical foundation of
ecclesiastical-orthodox self-understanding, but at the same time
has indicated new directions for ecumenical discussion. The
unfavorable political situation was, above all, responsible for
denying the book a wider influence. Thus in the field of
international scholarship, W. Bauer is known far less for being
the pioneer of the approach to church history presented herein
than as the author of the Wo%rterbuch zum Neuen
Testament>.\2/ Therefore, thanks are all the more due to the
publisher for the decision to make the work available once again,
and thereby to create the possibility of a new and more thorough
appreciation.
-----
\1/ On the person and work of Bauer, see the memorial issue NTS 9
(1962/63): 1-38 (with presentations by F. W. Gingrich, W.
Schneemelcher, and E. Fascher); also "In Memoriam Walter Bauer,"
Theologische Literaturzeitung> 86 (1961): 313-316
(addresses by W. Zimmerli and J. Jeremias at the funeral
service). Bauer's bibliography can be found in Theologische
Literaturzeitung> 77 (1952): 501-504; and 86 (1961): 315 f.
(compiled by C.-H. Hunzinger) and biographical information in the
article "Bauer, W." in RGG\3, 1 (1957): 925 (by W. G. Ku%mmel).
\2/ [W. F. Arndt and F. W. Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon
of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature: a
Translation and Adaptation of Walter Bauer's Griechisch-Deutsches
Wo%rterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und der
u%brigen urchristlichen Literatur, fourth revised and augmented
edition, 1952> (Chicago/Cambridge [Eng.]: University Press,
1957). A revised fifth German edition appeared in 1957, and
materials for a revised English edition are being gathered.]
{??update}
=====
@ Just a few weeks before his unexpected death on 17 November,
1960 Walter Bauer had learned of the proposed new edition and,
with kind words, expressed agreement with the plan and with the
person of the reviser. The task that faced the undersigned [vi]
was first of all to correct typographical errors and other minor
oversights, and to introduce such improvements as were envisioned
by the author, according to his annotated copy.\3/ Apart from
these additions, the text of the work has remained unchanged --
it was even possible to Retain the same pagination. Secondly, it
was necessary to deal with the current state of the discussion.
This task is undertaken in a double appendix, so as not to
infringe upon the character of the original work. Following the
original plan, this supplementary material includes a more
detailed consideration of Jewish Christianity, and, in addition,
an account of the reception of the book. In both parts an effort
has been made to indicate possibilities and directions for
elaborating Bauer's position and to provide a critical evaluation
of more recent investigations of similar orientation.\4/
-----
\3/ [The addition of two footnotes (51 n. 31, 59 n. 59) and a
reference to Josephus at the end of 153 n. 12 should be noted, as
well as the inclusion of an index of modern authors.]
\4/ [The second appendix has been extensively revised and
restructured by R. A. Kraft for this English edition.]
=====
@ Thanks are expressed to all who have contributed to the
production of this edition; in particular to Prof. D. Philip
Vielhauer, from whose suggestion the form of the supplementary
material essentially derives, and to Frau L. Bauer, who with
constant, kindly assistance made accessible her husband's
literary remains, and placed at my disposal the manuscript of the
book, notes from three lectures that were delivered in September
and October of 1933 on the same subject in Uppsala and
Sondershausen, the author's annotated personal copy, and also his
collection of reviews. My wife has assisted me in the expansion
of the index and in reading proofs, and thus, with the others
named, also deserves the thanks of the reader.
GEORG STRECKER>
Bonn, September 1963>
[ET xiii]
Introduction to the English Edition>
@ It is not surprising that Bauer's investigation of "orthodoxy"
and "heresy" in early Christianity has had relatively little
direct influence on the English-speaking world (see appendix 2)
and, despite its obvious significance and its presence on reading
lists for advanced study in Christian origins, never has been
translated into English. The book was written for a rather
limited audience -- it is not an introductory volume for the
beginner, nor is it a synthesis of modern opinions about the
subject matter, but was written for scholars, as an original,
front-line contribution to the progress of historical
investigation. Bauer presupposes that his readers are conversant
with the subject matter at more than an elementary level (see
below, xxiv f.). In short, this investigation originally was
oriented toward an audience that would be difficult to find today
outside the hallways and classrooms of the best institutions of
higher learning.
@ There is also another reason that became increasingly obvious
to those who contributed their time and energy in preparing this
edition. Quite apart from the difficulty of the subject matter
(particularly in chap. 1!), Bauer's German style> presents
a complex and frustrating problem for the translator who hopes to
capture something of the "tone" or "flavor" of the original as
well as representing accurately its content. Bauer writes in a
dynamic and highly sophisticated manner, mixing precision with
irony and even insinuation, pictorial language with careful
presentation of the historical evidence, hypotheses and caveats
with the subtle use of overstatement and understatement in
cleverly nuanced expressions. His German is literary but [ET xiv]
not necessarily formal. Long sentences with closely interrelated
parts appear alongside brief, sometimes cryptic or oblique
comments couched in clever, often scholarly German idiom.
Frequently the presentation flows along rapidly in an exciting
manner, despite the difficulties of the subject matter -- but its
flow is such that the motion is difficult to capture in
translation, and is sometimes even difficult to follow in the
original, unless one is already completely steeped in the
evidence being discussed and in Bauer's general orientation
toward it! Nor is it easy to represent the variety and nuances of
his choice of vocabulary -- e.g. some readers will perhaps cringe
at such renderings as "ecclesiastical" for kirchlich> and
related words, but the overuse of "orthodox" to cover even that
word group in addition to rechtgla%ubig> and
orthodox> seemed less than fair to Bauer's intention.
Hopefully his meaning will not be seriously obscured in such
instances.
@ Editorial Modifications in This Edition.> A philosophy of
translation -- and also of scholarly serviceability -- underlies
this English edition. Translations can be only more or less
adequate, and the editors are fully aware of the fact that there
will remain room for improvement at various places throughout the
volume. This English edition does not aim at "popularization" of
the original style (e.g. long sentences are seldom chopped up or
radically recast at the expense of Bauer's precision), but
attempts to be as faithful as possible to both the content and
the "tone" of the original. At the same time, it attempts to
increase the potential usefulness of the book for English readers
both in the classroom and in the study by a variety of means:
@ (1) The pagination> of the original has been retained
wherever possible by the use of bracketed bold type numbers
inserted into the text at the appropriate places. Thus there
should be little difficulty in using this edition to locate
material referred to in earlier publications based on the two
German editions (except for the footnotes which have been
renumbered, and for appendix 2, which has been extensively
revised).
@ (2) English translations (or equivalents) have been supplied
for all non-English material> (ancient or modern ) found in
Bauer- Strecker, apart from a few Latin or Greek phrases included
in standard English dictionaries. It should be noted, however,
that although this edition may note the existence of an available
ET (English trans lation) of mateial which Bauer (or Strecker)
cites, the ET of that material which is supplied has been made
especially for this volume [ET xv] with particular regard to the
use made of the material in the German edition. This applies to
modern as well as to ancient literature (cf. e.g. 44 and n.1
there). With some exceptions, the Greek, Latin, and Syriac words
and passages found in Bauer-Strecker also are retained in this
edition (Greek and Syriac in transliteration), and sometimes an
ancient text has been expanded or supplied by the editors to help
clarify the argument (e.g. xxiii n.1). In most instances, the
ancient sources are referred to by English forms of their titles,
rather than Latin or Greek -- a practice not without its
frustrations, especially for the scholar!
@ (3) In the case of ancient texts>, an attempt has been
made to refer to standard editions in current use as well as to
convenient ETs as available. For texts to which frequent
reference is made in various parts of the book, this
bibliographical information is included under the appropriate
listing in the index; otherwise it is supplied in footnotes at
the place of occurrence. Nevertheless, the reader/user will find
that such tools as the patrologies of Altaner and/or Quasten, or
for the less traveled paths of chap. 1, the Short
Introduction> by Wright, will be indispensable for following
the presentation in all its detail (see the index).
@ (4) Where ETs or new editions of modern works> mentioned
by Bauer-Strecker are known to the editors, they have been
included (or sometimes substituted) in the footnotes.
Occasionally references to recent discoveries relevant for
Bauer's argument also are added (e.g. 42 n.99).
@ (5) In general, the original footnote procedures> have
been modified considerably so that cross-references and brief
references to ancient sources appear in the text itself, while
longer references that might tend to interrupt the presentation
unduly are contained in footnotes along with references to modern
literature, parenthetical comments, supplementary information,
and the like ( see e.g. 2 n.3 for an example of reshuffling and
revision). Full bibliographical information normally is provided
at the initial reference to modern works; thereafter, the
author's name and a short title appear. The index is so
constructed as to facilitate locating such bibliographical data.
@ Use of Brackets.> It has proved difficult consistently to
alert the reader to the presence of such editorial adjustments at
their numerous occurrences in this edition. For some changes, it
has seemed unnecessary to do so -- e.g. the addition of cross-
references, substitution [ET xvi] of an English edition for a
German title (cf. e.g. 17 n.34, where Bauer referred to the
German translation of Burkitt's book!), explicit mention of
certain biblical references implied by Bauer's treatment (e.g.
234). Instances of substantial> editorial additions,
however, consistently have been designated by the use of
brackets>; certain minor supplements also are so marked. But
where brackets occur within direct quotations (e.g. 3) or within
parentheses, it is not to be assumed that expansion by the
American editors is present; on the contrary, such instances
usually represent a normal use of brackets under those
conditions, and have no special significance.
@ Editorial Responsibility.> Almost without exception, the
substantive editorial additions are the responsibility of R. A.
Kraft, who has prepared the final form of the manuscript for the
press and has attempted to standardize such things as footnote
form and to reduce as much as possible any obvious
inconsistencies in translation and style. It was the primary
editorial responsibility of G. Krodel to check the work of the
individual translators for accuracy of their understanding of the
German. Translating is, for the most part, a thankless task --
and a difficult one if done carefully. Great appreciation is due
to the translation team for their unselfish efforts.
@ Index.> The comprehensive index at the end of the volume
is an experiment aimed at facilitating efficient use of the book.
It includes not only such expected matters as subject and author
entries, but also lists abbreviations and provides reference to
editions and ETs of ancient sources cited frequently throughout
the book. For less frequently cited sources, the material
normally appears at the initial footnote reference. The index
also is intended as a bibliographical tool for modern works
cited, since it directs the user to the appropriate footnote
(usually the first mentioned) in which such data is included.
@ Backgound of the Translation, Acknowledgements.> This
English edition of Bauer represents the work of a team of
translators from the Philadelphia Seminar on Christian Origins
(PSCO). In the spring of 1966, the seminar members voted to
devote the forthcoming year to a study of Bauer's book, under the
cochairmanship of J. Reumann (Lutheran Theological Seminary,
Philadelphia) and R. A. Kraft. Concurrently, a subcommittee was
formed to produce a translation of the volume, with Krodel and
Kraft designated as final editors. [ET xvii] Negotiations with
Fortress Press were opened immediately, and by the time the
1966/67 seminar commenced in the fall, Fortress Press had
committed itself to the project and was negotiating for
translation rights from the German publisher. Originally, it was
proposed that two volumes be published: (1) a translation of the
original 1934 edition of Bauer, and (2) a volume of supplementary
studies including the material added by Strecker in the 1964
edition. Although this plan was abandoned in deference to the
wishes of the German editor, it was agreed that the second
appendix could be revised for the purposes of this edition, with
added attention to the impact of Bauer's book in the English-
speaking world.
@ Meanwhile, it was discovered that John E. Steely of
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary had been at work
independently on a translation of the book. When he learned of
the PSCO project, he made his rough draft translation available
(extending through the opening pages of appendix 1, without
footnotes) and agreed to cooperate as a member of the team in
seeing the project through to its completion. His draft proved
useful not only as an extra checkpoint in editing the work of the
team, but was used as the basic translation for two chapters of
this edition. The translation team generously agreed that any
monetary profit from the book should be channelled through the
PSCO for the establishment of a series of scholarly publications
dealing with Christian origins apart from New Testament proper.
@ Appreciation is due to Fortress Press for encouraging this
project and undertaking to publish it, and to the many members
and friends of the PSCO who became involved at various levels --
including a special debt to Niel J. McEleney of St. Paul's
College in Washington D.C. for working through the final draft
and offering several valuable suggestions. Professor Strecker
also deserves thanks for making himself available by mail,
especially in connection with the revision of the second
appendix. Finally, for the often thankless task of transforming
complicated handwritten materials into the final product
presented here, mention should be made of those who, like Joan
Krodel and the secretaries from the Department of Religious
Thought at the University of Pennsylvania, contributed their time
and talents.
ROBERT A. KRAFT>, for the editors and the translation team,
July l970>
[1]
Introduction>
@ "Orthodoxy" and "heresy": we all know what enormous importance
is attached to these two concepts for the history of our
religion. Usually, however, investigation of this subject tends
to focus upon the later epochs. The period of Christian origins
is, as a rule, passed over rather briefly. Of course, the
"errors" combatted in the earliest literature of Christianity are
described and investigated from various points of view, with this
or that result. But this is usually done with implicit, or even
explicit, assent to the view that any such divergence really is a
corruption of Christianity.
@ But if we follow such a procedure, and simply agree with the
judgment of the anti-heretical fathers for the post-New Testament
period, do we not all too quickly become dependent upon the vote
of but one> party -- that party which perhaps as much
through favorable circumstances as by its own merit eventuaIly
was thrust into the foreground, and which possibly has at its
disposal today the more powerful, and thus the more prevalent
voice, only because the chorus of others has been muted? Must not
the historian, like the judge, preside over the parties and
maintain as a primary principle the dictum audiatur et altera
pars> [let the other side also be heard]? When one side cannot,
because of anxiety, confusion, or clumsiness, gain proper
recognition, is it not the obligation of the judge -- and,
mutatis mutandis> of the historian -- to assist it, as best
he can, to unfold its case instead of simply submitting to the
mental agility and firmness, the sagacity and loquacity of the
other? Does either judge or historian dare to act as though
whatever cannot be read and understood by everyone as part of the
public records never existed, and thus is unimportant for passing
sentence?
@ In our day and age, there is no longer any debate [2] that in
terms of a scientific approach> to history, the New
Testament writings cannot be understood properly if one now looks
back on them from the end of the process of canonization as
sacred books, and prizes them as constituent parts of the
celestial charter of salvation, with all the attendant
characteristics. We have long since become accustomed to
undertanding them in terms of their own time -- the gospels as
more or less successfuI attempts to relate the life of Jesus; the
Pauline letters as occasional writings, connected with specific
and unrepeatable situations, and having spatial as well as
temporal limitations to their sphere of authority. We must also
approach the "heretics" in the same way. We need to understand
them also in terms of their own time, and not to evaluate them by
means of ecclesiastical doctrine which was developing, or which
later became a ready-made norm.
@ We can determine adequately the significance the "heretics"
possessed for nascent and developing Christianity only when we,
insofar as it is possible, place ourselves back into the period
in which they went about their business, and without hesitation
cast all our preconceived ideas aside. We must remain open to all
possibilities. What constitutes "truth" in one generation can be
out of date in the next -- through progress, but also through
retrogression into an earlier position. The actual situation in
one region may not obtain in another, and indeed, may never have
had general currency.
@ Perhaps -- I repeat, perhaps> -- certain manifestations
of Christian life that the authors of the church renounce as
"heresies" originally had not been such at all, but, at least
here and there, were the only form of the new religion -- that
is, for those regions they were simply "Christianity." The
possibility also exists that their adherents constituted the
majority, and that they looked down with hatred and scorn on the
orthodox, who for them were the false believers. I do not say
this in order to introduce some special use of language for the
investigations which follow, so that "orthodoxy" designates the
preference of the given majority, while "heresy" is characterized
by the fact that only the minority adhere to it. Majority and
minority can change places and then such a use of language, which
would be able to represent this change only with difficulty,
would easily lead to obscurities and misunderstandings. No, even
in this book, "orthodoxy" and "heresy" will refer to what one
customarily and [3] usually understands them to mean. There is
only this proviso, that we will not hear the two of them
discussed by the church -- that is, by the one party -- but by
history.
@ In order to exclude from the outset all modern impressions and
judgments, I will proceed from the view concerning the heretics
and their doctrines which was cherished already in the second
century by the ancient church, and will test its defensibility in
hopes of discovering, by means of such a critical procedure, a
route to the goal. The ecclesiastical position includes roughly
the following main points:
@ (1) Jesus reveals the pure doctrine to his apostles, partly
before his death, and partly in the forty days before his
ascension.
@ (2) After Jesus' final departure, the apostles apportion the
world among themselves, and each takes the unadulterated gospel
to the land which has been allotted him.
@ (3) Even after the death of the disciples the gospel branches
out further. But now obstacles to it spring up within
Christianity itself. The devil cannot resist sowing weeds in the
divine wheatfield -- and he is successful at it. True Christians
blinded by him abandon the pure doctrine. This development takes
place in the following sequence: unbelief, right belief, wrong
belief. There is scarcely the faintest notion anywhere that
unbelief might be changed directly into what the church calls
false belief. No, where there is heresy, orthodoxy must have
preceded. For example, Origen puts it like this: "All heretics at
first are believers; then later they swerve from the rule of
faith."\1/
-----
\1/ Commentary on the Song of Songs>, 3 (to Cant. 2.2):
omnes enim haeretici primo ad credulitatem veniunt, et post
haec ab itinere fidei et dogmatum veritate declinant> (ed. W.
A. Baehrens, GCS 33 (1925); ET by R. P. Lawson, ACW 26 (1957]),
See also the fragment from Origen on Proverbs (to 2.16), ed.
Lommatzsch 13,228 (= PG 13, 28 f.). Tertullian speaks similarly
at the end of Prescription against Heretics> 36 in his
analogy of the wild olive (or fig) tree (= heresy) which springs
from a cultivated seed (= orthodox doctrine).
=====
@ This view is so deeply rooted, and so widely held, that it
applies even to such personalities as Mani, who is supposed to
have been a presbyter of the church and a valiant warrior against
both Jews and pagans, but then left the church because he took it
as a personal offence that his students received such scanty
recognition ( see below, 39). In general, it is an opinion of
orthodoxy that only impure motives drive the heretic from the
church -- indeed, this must be so if the evil one is at the
bottom of it all. Already Hegesippus, who was in Rome around the
year 160, asserts that after the martyr's death of James the
Just, Thebutis had begun to corrupt the church, which until then
had been a pure virgin, [4] through false belief, because he had
not succeeded James as the leader of the Jerusalem community (EH
4.22.46). We hear similar things about Valentinus (below, 39
n.91, and 128), Marcion,\2/ and Bardesanes (below, 38 f.).
-----
\2/ [Epiphanius Her>. 42. 1.8; see also Tertullian
Prescription against Heretics> 30 and Against
Marcion> 4.4, and the Edessene Chronicle> 6 (below pp. 14
ff., 38).]
=====
@ (4) Of course, right belief is invincible. In spite of all the
efforts of Satan and his instruments, it repels unbelief and
false belief, and extends its victorious sway ever further.
@ Scholarship has not found it difficult to criticize these
convictions. It knows that the ecclesiastical doctrine was not
yet present with James; likewise, that the twelve apostles by no
means played the role assigned to them out of consideration for
the purity and revealed nature of ecclesiastical dogma. Further,
historical thinking that is worthy of this name refuses to employ
here the correlatives "true" and "untrue," "bad" and "good." It
is not easily convinced of the moral inferiority attributed to
the heretics. It recognizes there the same embarrassed, and thus
artificial, claim that emanated from Jewish Christianity when it
asserted that Paul had sued for the hand of the high priest's
daughter and, when it was denied him, began to rage against Torah
(Epiphanius Her>. 30.16).
@ Sooner or later, however, a point is reached at which criticism
bogs down. For my tastes, it all too easily submits to the
ecclesiastical opinion as to what is early and late, original and
dependent, essential and unimportant for the earliest history of
Christianity. If my impression is correct, even today the
overwhelmingly dominant view remains that for the period of
Christian origins, ecclesiastical doctrine (of course, only as
this pertains to a certain stage in its development) already
represents what is primary, while heresies, on the other hand
somehow are a deviation from the genuine. I do not mean to say
that this point of view must be false, but neither can I regard
it as self-evident or even demonstrated and clearly established.
Rather, we are confronted here with a problem that merits our
attention.
@ In this way, the subject of my book is defined more precisely,
and I am left free to bypass much else that also could be treated
under the title I have selected. For example, I do not intend to
present once again a description of the tenets of the ancient
heresies, but I presuppose that they are well known, along with
many other things. We live in a time that demands concise
discussion, and repetition of what already has been presented in
a suitable manner [5] should not be tolerated. Therefore, he who
opens this book in hopes of finding therein a convenient synopsis
of what fellow-scholars already have contributed to this or to
that aspect of the theme will be disappointed.
@ As we turn to our task, the New Testament seems to be both too
unproductive and too much disputed to be able to serve as a point
of departure. The majority of its anti-heretical writings cannot
be arranged with confidence either chronologically or
geographically; nor can the more precise circumstances of their
origin be determined with sufficient precision. It is advisable,
therefore, first of all to interrogate other sources concerning
the relationship of orthodoxy and heresy, so that, with the
insights that may be gained there, we may try to determine the
time and place of their origins. I have chosen to begin with
Edessa and Egypt so as to obtain a glimpse into the emergence and
the original condition of Christianity in regions other than
those that the New Testament depicts as affected by this
religion.
//end of introductory materials//