A REVIEW

<ti>THE NAG HAMMADI LIBRARY: IN ENGLISH</>, 
Translated by Members of the Coptic Gnostic Library Project 
of the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, 
James M. Robinson, Director and General Editor.
San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1977. 
Pp. xvi + 493. $16.95 (paper, $   ). 

Reviewers:  Robert A. Kraft 
            University of Pennsylvania
            Philadelphia, PA 19104

            Janet A. Timbie 
            American University 
            Washington, DC 20016


Updated Electronic Edition 
by <ed>Robert A. Kraft</>
[Copyright Robert Kraft, Philadelphia, 1996]

An earlier form of this review appeared originally in 
<tp>RELIGIOUS STUDIES REVIEW</> 8.1 (January 1982) 32-52.

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SUMMARY & CONTENTS (by section headings) 

This review article uses the appearance of the  English 
translation of the  Coptic Nag Hammadi treatises as an occasion 
for introducing these materials in greater detail to the general 
scholarly public, specialist and non-specialist alike.  General 
information about the Nag Hammadi discoveries is  followed by an 
examination of the materials from various perspectives:  
connections with "Gnosticism" and with other Coptic literature, 
classification of the treatises in terms of form and content, 
relation to other early Christian and non-Christian outlooks 
(including  non-Gnostic), treatments of creation, references to 
Jesus and his   immediate followers, to rituals, to Jewish and 
Christian scripture, and to competing groups.  Finally, the 
quality of the English translations and the usefulness of the 
volume's index are assessed. 

<h1>The Mid Twentieth Century Information Explosion</> 
<h1>General Introduction to the Nag Hammadi Library</> 
<h1>The "Gnostic" Connection</> 
<h1>The Coptic Connection</> 
<h1>Categories and Contents of the Nag Hammadi Treatises</> 
<h1>NHL and "New Testament Apocrypha" Collections</> 
<h1>The "Non-Christian" Connection</> 
<h1>The "non-Gnostic" Connection</> 
<h1>Focus on Creation</> 
<h1>Focus on Jesus and his Followers</> 
<h1>Focus on Christian Practices, Use of "Scriptures," Polemics</> 
<h1>Quality of the English Translations in NHL</> 
<h1>Quality of the Printing and Index in NHL</> 
<h1>Final Note</> 
Abbreviations & References [long form]
REFERENCES TO THE CRUCIFIXION/DEATH OF JESUS (Henderson)


   For three decades, tantalizing bits and pieces, rumors and 
reports, snippets and editions relating to various portions of 
the "new Gnostic discoveries" at Nag Hammadi (or Chenoboskion) in 
Egypt have whetted the appetites of students of early 
Christianity and late antiquity. Relevant publications are 
competently and conveniently chronicled in D. Scholer's 
bibliographies. Now, for the first time in any language, a 
complete corpus of provisional translations are available thanks 
to the considerable efforts of James M. Robinson and the Coptic 
Gnostic Library Project team of more than 30 scholars working 
through the Claremont (California) Institute for Antiquity and 
Christianity in cooperation with UNESCO and the Arab Republic of 
Egypt. This volume (<hi>NHL</>) dramatically marks the presence 
of a new era of research into early Christianity and its 
world(s), providing as it does access through translation to a 
wealth of new materials hitherto not even fully available to 
specialists in Coptic. This volume also celebrates completion of 
publication of the <hi>Facsimile Edition</> of the codices (NHC 
l972-79), and will be followed by major editions (with 
appropriately full introductions, translations, notes, indices, 
etc.) of the various tractates, to be published in the "Nag 
Hammadi Studies" (NHS) series under the sub-title <hi>The Coptic 
Gnostic Library</> (CGS: six volumes were in print by the end of 
1980; see Pearson's review of NHS 11). Whatever criticisms are 
leveled against the volume under review -- and it is extremely 
vulnerable by its very design as the "provisional" results of the 
loosely coordinated efforts of a large number of scholars -- they 
should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the appearance of 
<hi>NHL</> is a momentous accomplishment in any number of ways, 
from the sheer quantity of new texts it provides to the 
surprisingly reasonable price for which it can be obtained. 

   The task of mediating this scholarly "event" and its various 
ramifications to the various readerships of <hi>RSR</> is 
formidable, if not staggering. It is difficult simply to 
summarize in a helpful manner the <em>contents</> of this ancient 
anthology of fairly diverse and often frustratingly obscure 
materials, even for readers who are moderately knowledgeable 
about early Christian literature and its environments (not to 
mention the relatively uninitiated!). To go beyond summarizing 
and attempt to place it all in the larger perspectives of its 
<em>significance</> for persons interested in the history of 
Christianity, ancient philosophies and religions, sociology of 
(or, and) religion, psychology of religion, etc., is not only a 
gigantic and frustrating task, but a frightening one as well. We 
will make no attempt to do it all, but will tend to focus on the 
things with which we feel relatively more confident, namely, 
early Christian literature and history (treated here especially 
by Kraft) and in particular, early Coptic Christianity 
(especially by Timbie). Observations about the broader context of 
discussion will be included when they seem appropriate. 
Fortunately, the interested beginner can now obain a great deal 
of reliable and attractively presented additional information 
(verbal and visual) by consulting or obtaining Robinson's 1977 
general introduction and the 1979 <tp>Biblical Archaeologist</> 
fascicle devoted to Nag Hammadi. 
 

<h1>The Mid Twentieth Century Information Explosion in the Study 
of Early Judaism and Christianity: Nag Hammadi and Qumran</> 
 
   At approximately the same time (1945/46) as a youthful bedouin 
in then Jordanian Palestine was throwing the pebbles that 
shattered a concealed jar and launched the discovery of the Dead 
Sea Scrolls (DSS) near the site of Khirbet Qumran, Egyptian 
fellahin searching for fertilizer at the base of a rocky cliff 
near Nag Hammadi on the river Nile north of ancient Thebes 
uncovered the jar containing the thirteen papyrus books now known 
as the Nag Hammadi Codices (NHC). Together, the DSS and NHC 
already have directly or indirectly revolutionized knowledge of 
and attitudes toward Judaism and Christianity in the Greco-Roman 
world -- and will continue to do so as they continue to be 
studied. In each instance the new discoveries provided actual 
writings produced by long extinct groups about which historians 
had only secondhand knowledge through reports by outsiders -- and 
especially in the case of (at least part of) the NHC, by 
vociferous opponents. Whether with reference to Judaism at the 
time of Jesus and Paul (prior to the fall of Jerusalem in 70 ce 
and the rising ascendancy of "Rabbinic Judaism") or Christianity 
at the time of Aqiba and Jehuda ha-Nasi (the especially formative 
second century), we have learned to take quite seriously the 
increasingly evident fact that no satisfactory understanding of 
the development of these respective religious traditions is 
possible without careful attention to inner <em>diversity</> of 
thought and practice. In this context, a resurgence of historical 
analysis based on the study of the <em>polemical</> expressions 
of persons and communities in conflict has flourished -- dare we 
call it "Gegnergeschichte," or perhaps 
"Auseinandersetzungsgeschichte"? Sometimes in radical shifts, but 
more often ever so subtly, reconstructions of the development of 
Judaism and Christianity in the Greco-Roman period are undergoing 
and will continue to undergo significant revision. The picture 
does not look exactly as it once did. Some things have come into 
better focus, others have become more blurred. Entirely new 
details are perceptible at some points. Overall, we now have more 
pieces to the puzzle although it still remains a largely 
uncompleted puzzle. Nevertheless, at times, with reference to 
specific scenes, one can almost feel oneself to be in close touch 
with particular parts of the gigantic panorama. Perhaps that was 
always possible. It is possible on a larger scale today. 

   Despite the -- mostly obvious -- similarities between the DSS 
and NHC discoveries, there are important differences as well (see 
also Robinson 1977b, II-III, for a somewhat overly dramatic 
comparison). The DSS were not all found together in one place, at 
the same time, are not all written in the same language (Hebrew 
predominates, but Aramaic and even Greek occur), and include a 
much larger range of materials (biblical and "pseudepigraphic" 
alike, as well as some "new" texts) in much larger quantities -- 
and often much more fragmentary condition -- than the NHC. In 
terms of physical format, the DSS are written mostly on leather 
rolls or individual sheets -- they predate the period in which 
the modern book format ("codex") was developed on a wide scale -- 
while the NHC are early examples of papyri codices all written at 
approximately the same time (350-400 ce) in the Coptic (mostly 
Sahidic) form of the Egyptian language. Probably all of the 40 or 
so writings collected in the NHC were translated from Greek, 
while most of the works in the DSS originated in the same 
language in which they have been preserved (primarily Hebrew). In 
the nearly 35 years since the respective discoveries, a flood of 
publications has appeared, including transcriptions and 
facsimiles of many of the extensively preserved texts (for DSS 
bibliography, see Burchard, LaSor, and Fitzmyer). Various English 
translations of the best preserved texts from the DSS are 
available (Burrows, Gaster, Vermes, Dupont-Sommer), although it 
will still take years for all of the DSS materials to reach 
English readers. Despite getting a "later start" in terms of 
public accessibility, the relatively more restricted, physically 
more integrated collection of NHC has now outstripped the DSS in 
this connection. 

   The story of the Nag Hammadi discovery has been told many 
times, with whatever fragments of information and conjecture 
happened to be available. But it is best heard, in terms of 
accuracy and completeness, from James Robinson who, through 
tenacious detective work during the past decade, has uncovered 
and pieced together most of the relevant details presently 
available (it is not yet a completed story -- a certain amount of 
updating can still be expected). Robinson's highly condensed 
account in <hi>NHL</> 21-25 ("Introduction: The Discovery," 
apparently abridged from Robinson l977b) may prove cryptic to the 
general reader. His more recent and more detailed narratives in 
the edition of <tp>Biblical Archaeologist</> devoted to the Nag 
Hammadi discoveries (l979) are preferable. 

   The plot and sub-plots are fascinatingly complicated, whether 
one focuses on the discovery of the jar and its l3 codices in 
December of l945 and the subsequent perils, problems and 
intrigues which brought the bulk of the material into the hands 
of antiquarians and scholars (Robinson l977a), or whether one 
concentrates on the fate of the NHC once they came under the 
control of modern scholarship (see especially Robinson l977a, for 
the saga of the "Jung Codex," and l977b in general). From fear of 
the <ab>jinn</>, who may inhabit secret places (a factor as well 
in the DSS discovery), through the vengeful irrationality of a 
modern Egyptian blood-feud and the finality of a papyrus-fueled 
fire, to the unpredictable conditions imposed by changing 
political events and the regrettable results of scholarly 
selfinterest and rivalry, the story of the NHC progresses. Its 
conclusion is, for the most part, a happy one. The preserved 
contents of the codices have reached the public domain, not only 
for the small but growing number of persons able to work with 
Coptic texts, but the strictly English reader as well. 
 

<h1>General Introduction to the Nag Hammadi Library</> 
 
   The goals of <hi>NHL</> are relatively modest. As stated by 
Marvin W. Meyer, Managing Editor of the project, in his excellent 
preface to the volume: "The <hi>NHL</> in English seeks to 
provide within the scope of a single volume, English translations 
of the Nag Hammadi tractates. To these English tractates have 
been added very brief introductions, so that the readers may 
become aware of the main features and issues to be noted within 
each tractate" (p. X). Technical sigla for indicating damaged 
portions of text, etc., have been simplified and kept to a 
minimum. Only one index is provided, listing proper names. 
Identification of biblical allusions and parallels within the 
respective translations is sporadic and infrequent. Where more 
than one copy of a particular writing has been preserved in the 
NHC, only the "best" copy is translated -- so for Gospel of Truth 
(2 copies), Apocryphon of John (4 copies including the Berlin 
Codex), On the Origin of the World (2 copies), Gospel of the 
Egyptians (2 copies), Eugnostos the Blessed (2 copies), Sophia of 
Jesus Christ (2 copies, including the Berlin Codex). Rigorous 
standardization of "English style and translational policy" has 
not been imposed (p. XI). On the other hand, careful attention is 
given to providing a precise means of identifying individual 
writings and passages which does not depend on the page numbers 
of this particular edition. Thus <hi>NHL</> can be used as a 
scholarly tool in conjunction with the NHC <hi>Facsimile 
Edition</>, the NHS/CGL editions and other relevant publications 
since it clearly designates the <em>Coptic</> page and line for 
any given passage, as well as the location within the NHC for any 
given writing -- e.g., a quotation from Homer occurs near the end 
of "The Exegesis on the Soul" (codex II, item 6, page l36 of the 
codex, lines 27 ff of the page in the codex); hopefully, scholars 
will <em>resist</> noting that this appears on p. l86 of the 
<hi>NHL</>, but instead will follow the lead of the <hi>NHL</> 
index and list "II/6.l36.27 ff" or something similar (Robinson 
prefers II, <hi>6</>:l36, 27 ff). Standard abbreviations for the 
names of the various writings are provided by MacRae in his 
excellent l976 <te>IDB Supplement</> article on "Nag Hammadi" -- 
it would have been helpful had these abbreviations been 
reproduced also in <hi>NHL</> XIII-XV ("Table of Tractates"). 

   In his 25 page introduction to <hi>NHL</>, James Robinson deals 
briefly with three general topics: (1) "The Stance of the Texts," 
(2) the actual manuscripts, from their contents to their 
copyists, and (3) the history of the discovery (see above). The 
report on the <em>manuscripts</> is extremely well presented (pp. 
10-21). Robinson argues convincingly that the jar's "library" is 
probably not a library at all, at least in the sense of all the 
NHC being commissioned and copied as a unified effort. The twelve 
codices (plus 8 leaves, but no covers, from a 13th), containing a 
total of 52 writings (46 different writings, since 4 are 
duplicates and one is in triplicate; see below and the general 
list above), are not uniform in externals (e.g., covers) nor were 
they copied by the same scribes: 
 
<qu>The two groups of covers [codd IV-V-VIII and II-VI-IX-X] plus 
four miscellaneous covers [III, VII, IX, XII], and the one group 
of scribal hands [I-VII-XI] plus miscellaneous scribes, may 
indicate that the Nag Hammadi library is a secondary merging of 
what was originally a series of smaller libraries or isolated 
books. This would seem to be confirmed by the distribution of 
the duplicates [I.3 = XII.2, II.1 = III.1 = IV.1, II.5 = XIII.2, 
III.2 = IV.2, III.3 = V.1]. No one codex contains two copies of 
the same work, nor did any one scribe copy the same work twice, 
nor is there a duplicate tractate among the books of one group of 
covers. ...Thus one may conjecture that the present library 
derives from at least three smaller collections</> (p. 15). 
 
The leather cover of codex VII was stiffened with discarded 
materials (letters, etc.) dating from the mid-fourth century, and 
other such material from the covers seems to associate the 
manufacture of the codices with the Pachomian monastery that 
existed in the fourth century not far from the site of the find. 
The significance of this fact for reconstructing the history of 
early Egyptian (Pachomian) monasticism is still under discussion 
and is directly related to the question of "the stance of the 
texts," to use Robinson's phrase. 
 
   The evidence from the external <em>form/format</> of the 
codices, then, warns against applying the designation "library" 
in some highly restrictive sense, as though we were dealing with 
a corpus of works carefully selected and organized by a single 
person or close-knit group functioning according to modern 
principles of consistency and rational organization. Robinson's 
introduction clearly states at the outset that the evidence from 
the <em>contents</> of the various treatises raises a similar 
warning regarding the origins of the writings (p. l): 
 
<qu>The Nag Hammadi library is a collection of religious texts that 
vary widely from each other as to when, where, and by whom they 
were written. Even the points of view diverge to such an extent 
that the texts are not to be thought of as coming from one group 
or movement.</> 
 
The point at which the word "library" seems to have relevance for 
describing the materials is neither in terms of origins of 
particular writings nor in terms of the scribal activity that 
produced the preserved manuscripts, but only with reference to 
whatever was responsible for depositing and burying this 
collection of texts in the jar in which it was found. 
Unfortunately, it is easy to lose sight of this fact and to 
impose a false homogeneity upon the NHC which may distort not 
only the attempt to understand the original meaning of particular 
passages and writings preserved therein, but may also produce a 
highly misleading reconstruction of 4th-5th century Egyptian 
Christian history in particular, and of the tensions between 
Christian "orthodoxy" and "heresy" in general. 

   One of the major temptations -- and major potential pitfalls -- 
in working with these new materials is to accept as one of the 
relatively fixed points of research a picture of 
orthodox/heretical theological developments drawn from the major 
Greek and Latin authors who were involved in such discussions and 
whose pertinent writings have been preserved in the "orthodox" 
trajectory that ultimately produced western medieval Christianity 
and its eastern byzantine counterpart. This presupposes that the 
heresiologists such as Irenaeus, Tertullian, Hippolytus, 
Epiphanius and Jerome are sufficiently representative of 
Christian opinion throughout the areas into which Christianity 
had reached by the late 4th century to be useful as approximate 
guides, and that the same sorts of issues that concerned them 
were also of concern to their Christian contemporaries. With such 
assumptions, one considers it enigmatic to find apparently 
overtly "gnostic" materials receiving sympathetic use by anyone 
other than "gnostics" or related "heretical/heterodox" groups or 
individuals. In many instances this sort of assumption may indeed 
prove correct. But it deserves to be tested in each instance with 
as much care as possible if we hope to derive maximal benefit 
from the new discoveries. 

   Fortunately, Robinson's careful work with the NHC helps present 
this problem in bold relief -- the covers of at least some of the 
codices are associated with monks, and it is clear that Pachomian 
monastic communities, which traditionally have been considered 
"orthodox," existed in the Nag Hammadi area in the mid-fourth 
century.\1/ But the contents of many of the 

---

    \1/ Robinson's <hi>NHL</> presentation (p. 16) reflects the 
preliminary judgment of the late J.W.B.Barnes (1975) that some of 
the material used to stiffen the leather covers "came from the 
Pachomian monasteries." Subsequent study of these materials by 
J.C.Shelton, however, suggests that more caution is necessary 
regarding a specifically <em>Pachomian</> connection; see Barnes 
1981, pp. 5-11 (especially note 11). 

===

treatises in the NHC are far from "orthodox" by traditional 
standards. What is the explanation? After discussing as 
unpersuasive other possible solutions (the NHC were written 
to record and thus <em>combat</> heresy; blank books with covers 
were manufactured and sold by a monastery and later used by 
heretics), Robinson suggests (p. l8): 
 
<qu>Perhaps the common presentation of the monastic movement of 
the fourth century C.E. as solidly orthodox is an anachronism, 
and more nearly reflects the situation of the later monasticism 
that recorded the legends about the earlier period.</> 
 
Robinson goes on to argue that there may have been a certain 
looseness of (theological) control in the Pachomian monastic 
situation which permitted a great deal of diversity of outlook 
among the monk-hermits. Athanasius' Easter letter of 367, which 
was issued in slightly different forms in Coptic as well as in 
Greek (whether Athanasius himself was bilingual and was himself 
responsible for both forms is worth further consideration; or 
were the Coptic users responsible for the translation, and for 
its variations from the Greek?), and the violent opposition of 
Shenoute to his "pagan" opponents several decades later, may be 
understood as attempts to bring the situation under more firm 
control. Thus the NHC may have been "buried in the jar for 
safekeeping, perhaps for posterity" (p. 20) by a hermit (or 
group) who cherished these writings and feared their confiscation 
and ultimate destruction. 

   Robinson's presentation makes considerable progress in the 
direction of a satisfactory understanding of the Christian world 
from which the NHC derive, but still fails to be sufficiently 
critical of the assumptions we inherit or sufficiently inductive 
and circumspect about what the available evidence from Coptic 
(monastic) Egypt seems to suggest. On the one hand, there is 
little in the preserved traditions about the origins and early 
development of Coptic Egyptian monasticism (Antony, Pachomius, 
even Shenoute) to suggest that philosophical-theological concerns 
were the touchstone of community acceptance. "Orthodoxy" in that 
sense seems not to be a major issue in and of itself, although it 
may become an aspect of a more widely based conflict situation 
(especially with Shenoute). Much more in focus as watersheds of 
"orthodoxy" (or is it "orthopraxy"?) for the emerging monastic 
communities were matters of loyalty to God's human authorities -- 
the archbishop, the local leadership ("holy man") -- and 
perseverance in wrestling with the antagonistic demonic world. By 
the beginning of the fifth century, a militant monasticism had 
developed under Shenoute in the Nag Hammadi area which attempted 
to take social control of the area as well by suppressing or 
eliminating serious rivals ("pagans"). There is little evidence 
of <em>theological</> selfconsciousness even here, except as part 
of the larger context concerning authority and conflict. When 
literature is mentioned in relevant late 4th and early 5th 
century stories, letters, etc., it tends to be 
biblical/canonical. But our sources of information are relatively 
few and limited in representation. All of this would tend to 
confirm the possibility that a "Pachomian" monastic (or group of 
monastics) could have "owned" the NHC, but it is not clear that 
the "burial" of the NHC need be used as evidence of a direct or 
indirect conflict over theological matters. The jar might have 
found its place in the soil beneath the boulder near the caves 
for theologically and sociologically innocent reasons (e.g. 
hidden by a thief). That also needs to be said. 

 
<h1>The "Gnostic" Connection</>
 
   In and of itself the question of why and how the NHC came to be 
buried is a relatively <em>minor</> matter hardly worth the space 
we have devoted to it. But it grows considerably in importance 
when one begins to recognize the extent to which the presumed 
"gnostic" connection insinuates itself into and tends to dominate 
discussions of the NHC. This is, unfortunately, even true at the 
level of the choice of a series title for scholarly publication 
of the material: "The Coptic Gnostic Library." Why use "gnostic" 
here? As Pearson points out in his review of the most recent 
volume in the series (NHS ll, l979, p.252): 
 
<qu>The tractates included in this volume represent a great 
variety of religious milieux. Some of them are clearly 
Christian-Gnostic works.... Some of them are certainly 
Christian not necessarily Gnostic.... Some of them are 
Gnostic and probably not Christian.... Three of them are 
of Hermetic origin.... I have already referred to the 
text from Plato's Republic. Thus we have in this fine 
volume a significant amount of primary source material 
for the study of Christianity, Gnosticism, Hermeticism, 
and Greek philosophy in late antiquity, and particularly 
the phenomenon of late-ancient syncretism.</> 
 
Why call this "gnostic"? Presumably because at one period in the 
history of scholarly discussion about the NHC, the word "library" 
suggested enough homogeneity that everything in NHC, plus some 
related materials, could be painted with the same "gnostic" 
brush. But now that "library" is seen to be a very <em>weak</> 
designation, if not entirely inappropriate, and to refer only to 
the monk-hermit (presumably) who for some reason collected the 
diverse codices, how is it "gnostic"? Although Robinson and his 
staff seem to know better, users of the NHS/CGL materials will be 
forced to fight this "gnostic" ghost (not to mention the 
"library" ghost) in this overt form as a series title as well as 
in innumerable more subtle ways. 

   Indeed, Robinson himself has scarcely been successful on this 
front, despite his careful attention to the diversity of 
materials (content) and of format in the NHC. While he 
acknowledges that the texts do not come "from one group or 
movement" (p. l, see above), he postulates that "these 
diversified materials <em>must have had</> something in common 
which caused them <em>to be chosen</> by those who collected 
them" (p. l, italics ours). He then explains, quite arbitrarily 
(p. l): 
 
<qu>The focus that brought the collection together is an 
estrangement from the mass of humanity, an affinity to an ideal 
order that completely transcends life as we know it, and a life-
style radically other than common practice. This life-style 
involved giving up all the goods that people usually desire and 
longing for an ultimate liberation. It is not an aggressive 
revolution that is intended, but rather a withdrawal from 
involvement in the contamination that destroys clarity of 
vision.</> 
 
The assumption, from the outset, would seem to be that there is 
at least a hermit-monastic ideal behind the materials. Given the 
probability, as Robinson argues later (pp. l7f.), that at least 
some of the codices were produced in close connection with the 
Pachomian monastery, presumably by monastics, we would expect the 
writings to be in some way useful to the owner-copyists. The NHC 
could be transmitted, somehow, with integrity, within a Pachomian 
ascetic-monastic setting. 

   But suddenly, without warning, Robinson transforms this 
probable context of ascetic estrangement into a vague "gnostic" 
environment on p. 2: 
 
<qu>The point of the Nag Hammadi library [sic!] has been battered 
and fragmented by the historical process through which it has 
finally come to light.... The ancient world's religious and 
philosophical traditions and mythology were all that was 
available to express what was in fact a quite untraditional 
stance. Yet the stance was too radical to establish itself 
within the organized religions or philosophical schools of the 
day, and hence was hardly able to take advantage of the 
culture's educational institutions to develop and clarify its 
implications. Gnostic schools [sic!] began to emerge within 
Christianity and Neoplatonism, until both agreed in excluding 
them as the "heresy" of Gnosticism. Thus meaningful and 
eloquent myths and philosopical formulations of that 
radical stance became in their turn garbled traditions, reused 
by later and lesser authors whose watered-down, not to say 
muddied, version may be most of what has survived.</> 
 
If we have read this presentations correctly, Robinson begins by 
denying any clear <em>sociological</> homogeneity (in terms of 
groups/movements) to the texts in the <hi>NHL</>, argues that the 
(presumably 4th century Pachomian monastic) collectors found some 
focus in the texts, then proceeds to talk as though the 
<hi>NHL</> actually derived from some original unity ("stance") 
that was somehow associated with "gnostic schools" and came to be 
badly garbled and diffused in the process of transmission. The 
ghost of a "Gnostic Library" seems to haunt this rhetoric in a 
mystifying manner! 

   Robinson continues, in a more homiletic fashion (p. 3, italics 
ours): 
 
<qu>The reader should not be misled . . . into thinking that 
<em>the stance</> inherent in these essays is unworthy of serious 
consideration. Rather, we have to do here with an 
understanding of existence, an answer to the human dilemma, an 
attitude toward society, that is worthy of being taken quite 
seriously by anyone able and willing to grapple with such 
ultimate issues. <em>This basic stance</> has until now been 
known almost exclusively through the myopic view of heresy-
hunters, who often quote only to refute or ridicule. Thus the 
coming to light of the Nag Hammadi library gives unexpected 
access to <em>the Gnostic stance</> as Gnostics themselves 
presented it. It provides new roots for the uprooted.</> 
 
This is very confusing. The "something in common" attributed to 
the <hi>NHL</> on p. l as the reason why the codices were 
collected by their most recent users in antiquity -- a "focus" 
which has "much in common with primitive Christianity, with 
eastern religions, and with holy men of all times" (p. 1) -- has 
now become "the Gnostic stance." In the context of the 
heterogeneity of the collection and its rather artificial 
characterization as a "library," this discussion can only be 
described as premature, arbitrary, and potentially misleading. We 
have materials that presumably appealed to an ascetic Christian 
"stance" and were copied in that framework. What the 
<em>original</> "stance" of each text may have been, and how each 
particular text came to be transmitted and preserved in this 
specific form, and came into relationship with the other texts in 
its codex, requires more careful detailed analysis and should not 
be prejudged by means of the "gnostic library" generalization. 

   Much of the subsequent discussion in Robinson's treatment of 
"the stance of the texts" has less to do with the texts as a 
whole and more to do with Robinson's own theological-historical 
interests, and includes an extremely provocative thumbnail sketch 
of Christian history (pp. 3-6): 
 
<qu>Primitive Christianity was itself a radical movement. Jesus 
called for a full reversal of values, announcing the end of the 
world as we have known it and its replacement by a quite new, 
utopian kind of life in which the ideal would be the real. . . .
His followers reaffirmed his stand -- for them he came to 
personify the ultimate goal. . . . The circle [of his followers] 
gradually became an estabished organization. . . . Those who 
cherished the radical dream, the ultimate hope, would tend to 
throw it up as an invidious comparison to what was achieved, and 
thus seem to be disloyal, and to pose a serious threat to the 
organization. 

   . . . The world of thought from which Jesus and his first 
followers had come was the popular piety of the Jewish synagogue, 
focussed in terms of John the Baptist's apocalyptic rite of 
transition from the old regime to the new ideal world. . . . The 
evil that pervades history is a blight, ultimately alien to the 
world as such. But increasingly for some the outlook on life 
darkened; the very origin of the world was attributed to a 
terrible fault, and evil was given status as the ultimate ruler 
of the world, not just a usurpation of authority. Hence the only 
hope seemed to reside in escape. . . . Humans . . . by their very 
nature belong to the ultimate. . . . 

   Christian Gnosticism emerged as a reaffirmation, though in 
somewhat different terms, of the original stance of transcendence 
central to the very beginnings of Christianity. Such Gnostic 
Christians surely considered themselves the faithful continuation 
. . . of that original stance which made Christians Christians. 
. . . Other Christians surely considered Gnosticism a betrayal of 
the original Christian position. This was the conviction not just 
of those who had accommodated themselves to the status quo, but 
no doubt also of some who retained the full force of the original 
protest and ultimate hope. . . . 

   Gnostics came to be excluded from the Church as heretics. . . . 

   But the Nag Hammadi library also documents the fact that the 
rejection was mutual, in that Christians described [in 
<hi>NHL</>] as "heretical" seem to be more like what is usually 
thought of as "orthodox." . . . 

   . . . Gnosticism was ultimately eradicated from Christendom, 
except for occasional underground movements, affinities in 
medieval mysticism, and an occasional tamed echo that stays just 
within the limits of propriety. . . .</> 
 
Robinson then briefly states the case for the existence of "forms 
of Gnosticism" in late antiquity "outside of Christianity" 
including "Jewish" and "Samaritan" forms and even argues that "it 
is not inconceivable that such a Christian Gnostic movement as 
the Sethians may simply be a Christian outgrowth of a Jewish 
Gnostic group" (pp. 6-7). He does not seem to notice that if one 
takes seriously the possibility that some Christian gnostic 
groups developed <em>directly</> from existing pre-Christian 
Jewish gnosis, one need not postulate that early Christianity 
went the route of non-gnostic Jewish apocalyptic which then was 
gradually transformed in a gnostic direction. Indeed, one could 
even recreate the historical Jesus as a Jewish gnostic (rather 
than a "synagogue" apocalyptic) and see non-gnostic Christianity 
as an attempt to bring Jesus and his movement into a more 
conventional (as things worked out) Jewish trajectory. 

   But to return to our immediate problem -- the homogenization 
of the tractates preserved in the NHC into a concrete "library" 
which has a "gnostic stance" -- listen again to the subtle 
progress in Robinson's presentation. By page 9, he no longer 
hesitates about questions of unity/diversity or of relationship 
to groups/movements, but states rather directly: "The Nag Hammadi 
library seems to have been collected in terms of Christian 
Gnosticism." It all sounds very straightforward, very concrete, 
until the reader finally learns (pp. 9-10) that for Robinson, 
"Gnosticism" really is not necessarily to be understood as a 
group or movement in the normal sense: 
 
<qu>Gnosticism seems not to have been in its essence just an 
alternate form of Christianity. Rather it was a radical trend of 
release from the dominion of evil or of inner transcendence that 
swept through late antiquity and emerged within Christianity, 
Judaism, Neoplatonism, the mystery religions, and the like. As a 
new religion it was syncretistic, drawing upon various religious 
heritages. But it was held together by a <em>very decided 
stance</>, which is where the unity amid the wide diversity is to 
be sought. 

   It is no doubt <em>this stance</>, rather than the myths and 
doctrines of the texts themselves, that explains the association 
of the Nag Hammadi library with Christian monasticism, where the 
withdrawal from the world into a commune [sic!] in which utopia 
could be anticipated was strikingly similar to the to the Gnostic 
way of life. . . .</> 
 
Interesting -- and confusing. The presentation has come full 
cycle from the "focus" of "estrangement" in a heterogeneous 
collection of texts through a discussion of the "gnostic stance" 
in all its variety as an authentic variation on the "original 
stance" of Jesus and his earliest followers to a firm connection 
between the "gnostic stance" and Christian monastic perspectives. 
Only then does Robinson reveal that the "library" is not really a 
library in any demonstrable sense (see above), but preserves "at 
least three smaller collections" (p. 15). Would it not have been 
more helpful to <em>begin</> with the ascetic-monastic connection 
and work backwards through such stages as the grouping of the 
codices, contents of each codex, transmission and translation of 
each text in Coptic, pre-Coptic form(s) of each text, and finally 
the derivation and composition of the originals? Then the entire 
endeavor would not be forced to find ways in which its presumed 
"gnostic" pedigree could be explained. The collection(s) might 
not even need to have an identifiable "stance," in general. And 
we could get on with the task of being fully open to what the new 
materials may be able to tell us about various aspects of the 
development of Christianity in its various environments. 

   From this perspective the designation "gnostic" loses its 
usefulness -- the hint of homogeneity it suggests needs to be 
laid aside in favor of close attention to the <em>varieties</> of 
perspective, tradition and approach that clearly existed even 
within overtly "gnostic" circles, not to mention less clearly 
defined "dualistic" and/or "ascetic" groups. For discussions 
about the origin of the individual writings, nothing should be 
presupposed about unity or homogeneity among these works. Indeed, 
there is probably less homogeneity in <hi>NHL</> than in other 
similarly artificial collections of writings from early 
Christianity such as "The New Testament" (grouped by the 
ancients) or "The Apostolic Fathers" (a more modern grouping), or 
"The Apocryphal New Testament" (also modern). 
 

<h1>The Coptic Connection</> 
 
   The most immediately and directly relevant context in which the 
texts of the NHC deserve discussion is early Coptic literature. 
Very little is known with any confidence about the conditions 
under which Coptic speaking Christianity developed, and the 
directions it took in its early development. Because of its 
commitment to the "gnostic" connection, <hi>NHL</> actually takes 
an extra step towards providing a wider basis for discussing 
early Coptic Christianity by including two Coptic treatises not 
attested in NHC -- a <ts>Gospel of Mary</> and an <ts>Act of 
Peter</> (<hi>NHL</> 471-77). The justification for this is that 
these additional texts are preserved in Berlin "Gnostic" papyrus 
codex 8502 (from the 5th century) along with copies of two other 
treatises found also in the NHC -- <ts>Apocryphon of John</> and 
<ts>Sophia of Jesus Christ</>. The partial duplication of 
<hi>NHL</> texts in "BG 8502" thus provides a somewhat arbitrary 
and "formal" catalyst for expanding the coverage in <hi>NHL</> in 
the direction of a fuller collection of non-canonical (by 
traditional standards), non-patristic early Christian Coptic 
literature (5th century and earlier). For detailed 
bibliographical information about texts and manuscripts mentioned 
below, see especially Kammerer. 

   Following along these lines, a fitting companion volume to 
<hi>NHL</> might include translations at least of 
 
-parchment codex Askew (British Museum Or. Add. 5114, ed. 
 C. Schmidt), from the 4th/5th century, which preserves the 
 <ts>Pistis Sophia</> and <ts>Books of the Savior</> materials; 
 
-papyrus codex Bruce (Oxford, Bod. Bruce 96, ed. C. Schmidt), 
 with the books of the <ts>(Great) Treatise according to a Mystery</> 
 (books of Jeu?) and the mutilated "Sethian" (?) treatise 
 in a different hand; 
 
-the parchment papyrus fragments of British Museum Or. 
 4920 (1) (ed. Crum) which speak of Ialdabaoth, Sophia 
 and the "seven powers"; 
 
-the Deir-Bala'izeh parchment fragments (ed. Crum and 
 P. E. Kahle) in which pre-Abrahamic Israelite traditions 
 are explained to John; 
 
-the Paris Bibl. Nat. pap. l35 and Berlin P. l862, from 
 the 3rd/4th century, containing Achmimic and Sahidic 
 versions of the Apocalypses of Elijah and Zephaniah 
 (ed. Steindorff and Rosentiehl; the beginning of the 
 Apocalypse of Elijah also appears on an end page of 
 British Museum Or. 7594 in Sahidic, from the 4th/5th 
 century; 
 
-the Coptic Manichaean Kephalia (P. Berlin, ed. 
 Polotsky-Bohlig), Homilies (P. Chester Beatty, ed. 
 Polotsky) and Psalm Book, (P. Chester Beatty, ed. 
 Allberry), all from the 4th or 5th centuries. 
 
 
Other similar "early" materials which circulated at one time or 
another in Coptic include (for details, see also Charlesworth, 
Hennecke-Schneemelcher, Quasten): 
 
 -Testaments of Abraham, Isaac, Jacob and Job 
  (ed. Box-Gaselee, et al.);
 -Ascension of Isaiah (ed. Lefort); 
 -an Apocryphon of Jeremiah (ed. H.Kuhn); 
 -Gospels of Bartholomew and Nicodemas (ed. Budge and 
  Revillout); 
 -proto-Gospel of Jacob/James (ed. Leipoldt); 
 -History of Joseph the Carpenter (ed. Stern and
  Michel-Peeters);
 -Prayer and Assumption of Mary (ed. Spiegelberg and
  Baumstark and Crum);
 -Epistle of the Apostles (ed. Schmidt);
 -Abgar/Jesus correspondence (ed. Schmidt-Krall); 
 -Acts of Andrew (ed. Lemm);
 -Acts/Martyrdom of Peter and Paul (ed. Schmidt); 
 -Apocalypse of Andrew and Paul (ed. Steindorff); 
 -Didache (ed. Horner, Schmidt);
 -1 Clement (ed. Schmidt);
 -Shepherd of Hermas (ed. Lefort);
 -treatise on the mysteries of the Greek letters
  (Oxford/Bodleian Hunt. 393, ed. Hebbelynick); 
 -various "magical" texts and materials.
 
Is is within the wider context of writings that presumably were 
used among Coptic speaking/reading Christians prior to the fifth 
century that the <hi>NHL</> deserves to be analyzed to determine 
just what sort of information its texts can provide regarding (l) 
its most recent ancient owners/users; (2) the history of 
transmission of its materials and the history of their 
transmitters, in Coptic, (3) the circumstances of its translation 
into Coptic, and (4) the ultimate origin and pre-Coptic histories 
of the texts. 

   It could not be expected that Robinson and his team would 
address this task in detail in <hi>NHL</>. But until such an 
approach is attempted with rigor -- i.e. a history of early 
Coptic literature -- it will be difficult to obtain the 
perspectives necessary for a careful, controlled assessment of 
the significance of the <hi>NHL</> materials in the world from 
which they most immediately derived. Indeed, the sooner the 
<hi>NHL</> treatises are reorganized into appropriate 
subgroupings so that each may be conveniently compared with other 
similar writings, the more efficiently will scholarship be able 
to use this valuable set of keys to help unlock various mysteries 
of early (Egyptian) history and literature. At present, we simply 
do not know what criteria will be most useful in attempting to 
identify the motivations of fourth century Coptic Christians, or 
their predecessors, in copying and collecting the texts in their 
possession. Until we are more aware of such matters, general 
discussions of the "stance" of the "library" will be premature. 

   The emergence within fourth century Coptic Christianity of 
skillfully produced codices each of which contains a variety of 
writings is itself noteworthy. When the codex (modern booklike) 
format became increasingly popular as an alternative to the well-
established roll/scroll in the second and third centuries, 
codices tended to be relatively limited in content, containing 
the work of a single author much as had been true of the roll. 
But it was found that the codex format could hold much more 
material than the typical roll, especially if several mini-
codices (quires or "gatherings") were bound together. This 
technological advance magnified the possibility of the 
development of codices in which a number of different works, 
whether by the same author or by various authors, could be 
included, although even with "single quire" codices, a mixture of 
heterogeneous materials could also be produced (see Turner 55-71 
on these matters). 

   Because of the fragmentary nature of many of the oldest 
writings (especially papyri) preserved from antiquity it is not 
always possible to know whether the extant remnants of a 
particular text were once part of a larger codex in which other 
writings also were included. But in those instances in which the 
evidence is clear, Christian -- and especially Coptic Christian -- 
codices seem to provide most of the examples of heterogeneous 
collections. With the development of the concept of the unity of 
canonical biblical writings in Judaism and Christianity, a model 
emerged in which matters of heterogeneity/homogeneity became 
blurred. "Biblical" writings were perhaps viewed, consciously or 
unconsciously, as from the same source. Thus it is perhaps not 
very surprising to find the following early Greek papyrus codices 
each containing more than one "biblical" writing: 
 
 937 = Chester Beatty IX-X (etc.), 3rd century 
       single quire containing Ezekiel-Daniel-Susanna-Esther; 
 P75 = Bodmer XIV-XV, 3rd century single quire 
       containing John-Luke;
 P45 = Chester Beatty I, 3rd century (?), Gospels-Acts; 
 W   = Freer Codex, 5th century, Gospels; 
 H   = Freer Codex, 6th century, Joshua-Deuteronomy.
 
From the fourth century onward, more luxurious parchment and 
vellum (leather) codices were produced in which a full corpus of 
Jewish and Christian scriptures were collected -- e.g. Sinaiticus 
(S or Aleph), Vaticanus (B), Alexandrinus (A), Beza (D), to 
mention only the earliest and most famous. 

   Mixture of what came to be fixed in Christian tradition as 
"biblical" with non-biblical writings in early Greek manuscripts 
is relatively infrequent -- the presence of <ts>Barnabas</> in 
Sinaiticus and of <ts>1-2 Clement</> in Alexandrinus may reflect 
ambiguities in the extent of the contents of "canon." The 
juxtaposition of <ts>I Enoch</> and Melito <ts>On Passover</> in 
Chester Beatty papyrus codex XII, from the 4th century, is more 
problematic. An even "stranger" mixture takes place in the Bodmer 
papyri originally designated V-X-XI-VII-XIII-XII-XX-IX-VIII (in 
six different handwritings), which seem to come from one or two 
codices and contain the following sequence of texts, from around 
the 3rd-4th century (Turner 79-80) and probably discovered in the 
area near Nag Hammadi (so Robinson l980): 
 
 Nativity of Mary 
 Paul's "3 Corinthians" (independent of the Acts of Paul) 
 Odes of Solomon 11 
 Jude 
 Melito <ts>On Passover</> 
 fragment of a Hymn 
 <ts>Apology</> of Phileas 
 Psalms 33-34
 1 Peter. 
 
A new element is introduced in another Greek Bodmer papyrus from 
the 4th century where we find Susanna, an unidentified 
apocryphon, Daniel, and then Thucydides book VI. An unusual 
juxtaposition of Greek and Coptic occurs in a Hamburg codex from 
around 300 ce: 
 
 Acts of Paul (Greek)
 Canticles (Fayumic Coptic),
 Lamentations (Fayumic Coptic)
 . . . Qohelet (Greek),
 Qohelet (Coptic).
 
   Thus "mixed" codices are found in 3rd-4th century Greek 
materials. But early Coptic manuscripts seem to be even more 
tantalizing in this respect, at least at this relatively early 
stage of detailed modern study of early codices. In addition to 
the Coptic materials already listed above (e.g. Berlin 8502, 
Paris l35), we find: 
 
 - British Museum Or. 7594, from around 300-350 ce, 
   which contains Deuteronomy-Jonah-Acts; 
 
 - Mississippi Crosby Codex 1, from the 3rd or 4th 
   centuries (single quire), which includes an 
   unidentified text, then Melito <ts>On Passover</>, the
   Martyrdom in 2 Maccabees 5.27 - 7.50, 1 Peter, 
   Jonah, and another unidentified text.
 
The NHC seem to fit very well into the spirit of Coptic 
bookmaking techniques as they were developing in the 4th century. 
When this is recognized, another reason is added for taking great 
care in defining the sense in which the designation "library" may 
appropriately be applied to the NHC, or to sub-groups within the 
"NHL." The question of why various writings have been gathered 
together in a single codex requires closer attention. 
 

<h1>Categories and Contents of the Nag Hammadi Treatises</>
 
   The sequence in which the translated materials are presented in 
<hi>NHL</> follows the flow of the various tractates within the 
thirteen NHC, in the order in which the tractates are now 
officially numbered (e.g. the "Jung Codex" = NHC 1). <hi>NHL</> 
provides a summary of this sequence on pp. XIII-XV. What it does 
not supply is any consistent attempt to classify the treatises 
either according to respective forms (insofar as that can be 
determined with the fragmentary works) or their contents and 
perspectives. This is especially unfortunate insofar as the only 
index in <hi>NHL</> contains only a listing of proper names -- 
there is no subject index. Granted, a subject index would have 
added somewhat to the size and cost of the volume, but it would 
also have increased the usefulness of <hi>NHL</> many times. 

   In the absence of such a ready means of making general 
connections between the individual writings in the heterogeneous 
collection in <hi>NHL</>, we present the following attempt at 
classifying the tractates with respect to their <em>formal</> 
characteristics. We have used categories ranging from 
straightforward <em>narrative</> (stories of events) on the one 
side through <em>reports</> of deeds or, more frequently, of 
words and conversations, to material in "<em>letter</>" form 
(addressed to a specific person or group), to straightforward 
<em>monologue</> or <em>dialogue</> presentations. Inevitably, 
different sorts of material will be intermixed in a given 
writing, and various subdivisions based on form, tone or content 
suggest themselves. In one way or another, "monologue" material 
predominates, followed by "dialogue." What this may mean in any 
given instance remains to be investigated. (The abbreviated 
titles are basically those suggested by MacRae in his <te>IDBS</> 
article, compared also with those of Menard in <tp>BCNH</> 1.) 

   <h2>Narrative</> of events, except as part of someone's speech, 
are rare in <hi>NHL</>. The best examples are: 
 
 8/2  <ts>Letter of Peter to Philip</> (PetPhil), which begins 
      with a letter than continues to the end in third
      person narrative including a lengthy discourse by 
      the spiritual Jesus on the Mount of Olives, in  
      which he answers questions posed by the assembled 
      apostles.  It is unfortunate, because deceptive,
      that the opening words of this short treatise 
      have been used as the title for the entire work.
 BG 8502/4  <ts>Act of Peter</> (AcPet), which briefly narrates
      a story of Peter healing the sick and explaining
      why he allows his own virgin daughter, whom he
      heals temporarily, to remain paralyzed. 
 6/1  <ts>Acts of Peter and the Twelve (Eleven ?) Apostles</>
      (AcPetTwAp), which vacillates between (Peter's) 
      first person reporting ("I . . . we," <lt>passim</>; 
      compare canonical Acts!) and third person accounts
      (5.1-5, 8.21 - 9.5, 9.30 - end) of a trip on which
      the apostles meet (the resurrected) Jesus in the
      person of a merchant/physician named Lithargoel.
 
Significant bits of sequential narrative employed to connect 
dialogue or monologue reports also appear in: 
  
 BG 8502/1 <ts>Gospel of Mary</> (GMary), which records in the
      third person discussions between the (resurrected)
      Savior and his disciples (particularly Peter) and 
      then between Mary, Peter, Andrew and Levi,  
      connected by bits of narrative detail.
 5/2  <ts>Apocalypse of Paul</> (ApocPaul), which begins with  
      third person narration of how the Holy Spirit 
      approached Paul then continues with Paul's
      first-person report of the journey through the
      heavens.
 5/3  <ts>First Apocalypse of James</> (1ApocJas), which begins
      as a first person account by Jacob/James of 
      conversations with "the Lord" but continues in the
      third person, including a transition section from 
      the time prior to Jesus' sufferings to a time 
      after (30.13 - 31.5). 
 
In addition, a few writings supply third person narrative 
information <em>only</> in the opening and/or closing lines: 
 
 2/1  <ts>Apocryphon of John</> (ApocrJn), beginning ("It 
      happened when John . . .") and end ("and the 
      Savior presented these things to him [John] 
      . . ."), between which John reports his 
      encounter and conversation with (the resurrected) 
      Jesus who reveals mysteries to John.
 3/2  <ts>Gospel of the Egyptians</> (or, Holy Book of the Great 
      Invisible Spirit; GEgypt), which ends with a lengthy
      description of how "the great Seth" wrote this book 
      about the origins of the world. 
 3/4  <ts>Sophia of Jesus Christ</> (SJC), beginning ("After he rose 
      from the dead his disciples went...") and end ("These 
      are  the things the Savior said..."), with Jesus' 
      conversations with especially Matthew, Philip, Thomas,
      Mariamme, Bartholomew.
 6/7  <ts>Prayer of Thanksgiving</> (PrThank), as a quasi-title  
      ("This is the prayer that they spoke") and at the end 
      ("When they had said these things..."), in an 
      otherwise anonymous short work. 
 7/3  <ts>Apocalypse of Peter</> (ApocPet), final line only ("When   
      he [Jesus] had said these things, he [Peter] came to  
      himself"), after Peter's first person report of an  
      episode with the (already rejected) Savior in the 
      temple. 
 7/5  <ts>Three Steles of Seth</> (3 StSeth), with an elongated  
      narrative title followed by three hymns/prayers and a 
      final exhortation.
 
   <h2>Reports</>. -- Otherwise, whatever narration occurs in the 
<hi>NHL</> is found within other types of material such as first 
person reports or recorded discourses. What we have chosen to 
classify as "reports" take the following forms (see also above, 
2/l ApocJn, 3/4 SJC, 5/2 ApocPaul, 5/3 1ApocJas, 6/1 AcPetTwAp, 
7/3 ApocPet): 
 
 2/2  <ts>Gospel of Thomas</> (GTh) -- "These are the secret sayings  
      which the living Jesus spoke and Didymos Judas Thomas 
      wrote," followed by ll4 often unconnected (by modern  
      western rational criteria) sayings attributed to Jesus, 
      occasionally with details of the setting attached,  
      especially questions asked of Jesus.
 2/7  <ts>Book of Thomas the Contender</> (ThCont; in BCNH,  
      ThAth[lete]) -- "The secret words that the Savior spoke   
      to Judas Thomas which I, Mathias, wrote . . . ,"  
      basically a dialogue. 
 3/5  <ts>Dialogue of the Savior</> (DialSav) -- "The Savior said to   
      his disciples," followed by conversations of the Lord 
      with Matthew, Judas (Thomas?) and Mareim. 
 5/4  <ts>Second Apocalypse of James</> (2ApocJas) -- "This is the   
      discourse that Jacob/James the Just spoke . . . (and) 
      Mareim . . . wrote," followed by the account given by 
      Theuda (James' father) of the words of James. 
 5/5  <ts>Apocalypse of Adam</> (ApocAd) -- "The revelation which Adam 
      taught his son Seth, . . . saying," and at the end, 
      "These are the revelations, . . ." etc. 
 7/1  <ts>Paraphrase of Shem</> (ParaShem) "about the unbegotten 
      Spirit" -- "What Derdeka revealed to me, Shem," with
      a benediction on Shem at the end. 
 9/1  (? perhaps; the beginning is mutilated) <ts>Melchizedek</> 
      (Melch), which tells of "revelations" to the  
      "incorporeal" ones and ends with the words "when the  
      brethren who belong to the generations of life had  
      said these things they were taken up . . . ." 
 10/1  (? very fragmentary) <ts>Marsanes</> (Mar), which seems to be  
      a first person report of an ascent through the heavens. 
 ll/3  <ts>Allogenes</> (Allog), a report by Allogenes to his son 
      Messos, in the first person, of a series of revelations 
      the former had received and now has written down. 
 ll/4  <ts>Hypsiphrone</> (Hyps) -- "The book [of visions] which were 
      seen . . . ," told in a first person narration. 
 
   <h2>Dialogues without a Specified Context</>. -- Similar to 
the two reports of dialogues listed above (2/7 ThCont and 3/5 
DialSav) are three other works which present running dialogues 
without any introductory framework (see especially 3/5 DialSav 
above): 
  
 6/5  Plato, <ts>Republic</> 588B-589B (PlatoRep), which is  
      presented without any explanation by the excerpter. 
 6/6  <ts>Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth</> (On8th9th; BCNH,
      Ogd[oad]Enn[ead]) -- "O my father, . . . O my son"
      types of exchange, without any introduction,  
      broken only by the third person transition at 
      59.23 "When he had finished praising he shouted"
      and allusions within the dialogue exchanges to
      writing this material in a book (60.16, 61.19, etc.). 
 6/8  <ts>Asclepius</> 21-29 (Ascl; MacRae has ApocAscl), with   
      running dialogue between Trismegistus (Hermes) and
      Asclepius which covers a number of subjects,
      especially creation (of the gods), an (apocalyptic) 
      oracle about the fate of "Egypt," and the fate
      of the soul.
 
   <h2>Letters</> (see also 8/2 PetPhil, above) <h2>and Treatises 
Addressed to Specific Recipients</> (see also above, 5/5 Adam to 
Seth, and 11/3 Allogenes to Messos). --  
 
 1/2  <ts>Apocryphon of James</> (and Peter; ApocrJas) -- "Jacob/James 
      writes to [ . . . ]thos, Peace. . . .  Since you asked
      that I send you a secret book which was revealed to 
      me and Peter by the Lord, . . ." etc.  The "letter" 
      continues with a narration of a dialogue between the
      resurrected Jesus and his twelve disciples. 
 1/4  <ts>Treatise on Resurrection</> (OnRes; BCNH, Rheg[inos]) -- 
      "Some there are, my son Rheginos, who want to learn 
      much"; and at the end, "Many are looking forward to 
      this which I have written you.  To these I say, 
      Peace. . . ." etc.
 3/3  <ts>Eugnostos the Blessed</> (Eug) "to those who are his," 
      followed by a treatise with essentially the same
      content as <ts>Sophia of Jesus Christ</> and a closing 
      section addressed to a "you" singular alerting the
      recipient of an impending revelation from a 
      special agent.
 
   <h2>Monologues without clear Contexts.</> -- The remaining 
materials in <hi>NHL</> are various sorts of "monologues" which 
are classified below with reference to the apparent thrust of the 
material. To the category of <h3>prayer-praise-invocation</>, 
which we have already encountered above in 6/7 (PrThank) and 7/5 
(3StSeth) should be added 1/1 <ts>Prayer of the Apostle Paul</> 
(PrPaul; first lines missing). Similar materials are sometimes 
included within some of the other tractates. 

   We also find <h3>self-affirmations</> in paradoxical poetic 
form in 
 
 6/2 <ts>Thunder, Perfect Mind</> (Thund) and in running prose in 
 
 13/1 <ts>Trimorphic Protennoia</> (TriProt; in three parts, "a 
   sacred scripture written by the Father with perfect Knowledge"). 

   The sub-category of <h3>admonition or exhortation</> of a 
relatively "traditional" ethical sort is represented by 7/4 
<ts>Teachings of Silvanus</> (Silv), and 12/1 <ts>Sentences of 
Sextus</> (SSext; beginning and end mutilated). 

   Finally, there are a large number of treatises that could 
perhaps best be described as <h3>meditations</> or <h3>didactic 
essays</> of various sorts. Several of them deal in one way or 
another with how the world came into existence and why it 
requires redemption (see also above 2/1 ApocrJn, 3/2 GEgypt, 3/5 
DialSav, 7/1 ParaShem, 13/1 TriProt): 
 
 1/5 <ts>Tripartite Tractate</> (TriTrac) 
 2/4 <ts>Hypostasis of the Archons</> (or, <ts>Reality of the 
     Rulers/Authorities</>; HypArch -- MacRae has Nat[ure of  
     the] Arch), to which is joined a first person account 
     of a revelatory encounter with the angel Eleleth. 
 2/5 (= 13/2)  <ts>On the Origin of the World</> (OrgWld; MacRae    
     has OnOrgWld while BCNH designates it as the 
     "Untitled Treatise"). 
 6/4 <ts>Concept of Our Great Power</> (GrPow)
 11/2 <ts>Valentinian Exposition</> (ValExp), including appended 
     sections on baptism (A, B, C) and eucharist (A and B). 
 
Two other treatises focus on the origins, nature and fate of the 
soul (see also 6/8 Ascl, towards the end) -- 
 
 2/6 <ts>Exegesis</> (or <ts>Expository Treatise) on the Soul</> (ExSoul), 
 6/3 <ts>Authoritative Teaching</> (AuthTeach; BCNH, AuthLog[os]) --  
 
while 11/1 <ts>Interpretation of Knowledge</> (InterpKn; BCNH, 
InterpGn[osis]) is a homiletic discourse on humility. General 
exhortation-instruction- meditation is found in: 
 
 1/3 <ts>Gospel of Truth</> (GTr),
 
 2/3 <ts>Gospel of Philip</> (GPh), 
 
 9/3 <ts>Testimony of Truth</> (TestimTr).
 
Finally, two treatises which recount revelatory encounters and a very 
short, particularly enigmatic piece dealing with Norea round out the
picture:
 
 7/2 <ts>Second Treatise of the Great Seth</> (GrSeth), 
 8/1 <ts>Zostrianos</> (Zost),
 9/2 <ts>Thought of Norea</> (Nor). 
 

<h1>NHL and "New Testament Apocrypha" Collections</> 
 
   This rapid survey of the <hi>NHL</> materials shows that the 
explicitly "Christian" ingredient varies considerably among the 
various writings. A significant number of tractates claim to 
speak about Jesus and his immediate companions, although seldom 
by means of extended narrative reports. The person familiar with 
"New Testament Apocrypha" collections (most notably those edited 
by M. R. James or by Hennecke-Schneemelcher-Wilson) will 
recognize that <hi>NHL</> provides several new candidates for 
inclusion in such modern anthologies of ancient Christian 
literature cast in forms similar to the canonical gospels, acts, 
letters/homilies and apocalypse. Indeed, the Hennecke-
Schneemelcher-Wilson edition already has begun this task of 
incorporation. 

   <h2>Gospels</>. -- The title "gospel" actually occurs in four 
writings published in <hi>NHL</>: 2/2 GTh, 2/3 GPh, 3/2 GEgypt 
and BG 8502/1 GMary. Possibly other <hi>NHL</> tractates of which 
the titles and/or subscriptions have not been preserved also bore 
this designation. But the four aforementioned "gospels" differ 
significantly from each other as well as from their canonical 
namesakes, and only GTh and GMary highlight traditions in which 
<em>Jesus</> has a central role as an active participant (GPh 
juxtaposes various anonymously reported teachings; GEgypt deals 
mainly with the origins of the heavenly and earthly worlds). None 
of the <hi>NHL</> treatises supply explicit narratives about 
Jesus' activities prior to his suffering-death-vindication, but 
several (including GMary and GTh) present "the living" Jesus as 
instructing one or more of his followers, often in the context of 
his suffering and/or victory: 
 
 5/3 1ApocJas -- Jesus' conversation with his brother
     Jacob/James prior to as well as after (?) 
     Jesus' suffering; 
 7/3 ApocPet -- Jesus reveals matters to Peter 
     apparently at the very time Jesus is being
     rejected by the Jewish authorities; 
 2/7 ThCont -- Jesus speaks secret words to his twin,
     Judas Thomas, prior to Jesus' ascension (l38.23); 
 1/2 ApocrJas -- Jesus discourses with the disciples 
     (especially James and Peter) 550 days after his 
     resurrection and prior to his ascension (2.20-24);
 BG 8502/1 GMary -- Jesus, presumably after the 
     resurrection, instructs the disciples and departs 
     from them (Mary, Peter and Andrew continue to 
     discuss matters); 
 2/2 GTh -- a series of sayings by "the living Jesus"  
     to his disciples (especially Judas Thomas, Peter, 
     Matthew, Mary, Salome; James the Just also is 
     mentioned); 
 3/4 SJC -- Jesus appears on the mountain in Galilee to
     his twelve disciples (especially Philip, Matthew, 
     Thomas) and seven women (esp. Marianne) as
     "invisible spirit" after the resurrection and 
     reveals many things;
 8/2 PetPhil -- Jesus appears on the Mount of Olives to  
     the apostles as a great light after he was no 
     longer present "in the body," and later (in 
     Jerusalem?) he sends them out in peace; 
 2/1 ApocrJn -- Jesus discourses to John in a 
     revelation appearance sometime after Jesus had
     "gone to the place from which he came" (1.13);
 3/5 DialSav -- Jesus discourses and converses with the
     disciples (especially Matthew, Judas/Thomas,
     Miriam) under undesignated conditions.
 
These ten writings seem to qualify for inclusion as a sub-
category of "apocryphal gospel" materials, and are very similar 
in some ways to the so-called <ts>Epistle of the Apostles</> that 
has been preserved especially in Ethiopic translation and also 
depicts the resurrected Jesus teaching his associates. 

   <h2>Acts</>. -- The canonical gospels (especially the 
synoptics) are, basically, acts of <em>Jesus</> -- a sort of acts 
not represented in the <hi>NHL</>. But the <hi>NHL</> does 
include a few writings in which one of the revered early 
Christians receives central emphasis either in terms of deeds 
("acts" proper) or discourse (like the "gospel" sub-category 
discussed above). Actually, the line is difficult to draw between 
"discourse-gospel" material and acts or "discourse-acts" 
materials in some instances, since the former are often presented 
as reports by specific followers of Jesus who also play active 
roles in the report -- e.g. GMary deals both with Jesus' 
discourse and with the discussion that continues after his 
departure, and PetPh focuses on Peter as well as on the revealed 
Jesus. Similarly, 1ApocJas deals to some extent with James and 
his fate, and finds its sequel in 2ApocJas (5/4), in which James 
seems to be the primary figure but he also reports discourses 
given by the resurrected Jesus. Similarly, AcPetTwAp (6/1) is 
mainly a narrative about the twelve (eleven?) disciples but 
includes an appearance and exhortations by the risen Jesus. The 
only unambiguous "acts" document in <hi>NHL</>, from this 
viewpoint, is BG 8502/4 AcPet, which is unique in <em>not</> 
reporting a revelation-discourse of Jesus! 

   <h2>Letters/Epistles and Similar "Apostolic" Compositions.</> 
-- The <hi>NHL</> collection adds little to the otherwise already 
relatively sparse existing collection of epistles and related 
documents in the "Apocryphal New Testament" anthologies. On the 
one hand, <hi>NHL</> has a few treatises in the form of letters -- 
the ApocrJas (1/2) begins as a letter but records a "gospel-
discourse," OnRes (1/4) and Eug (3/3) both have letter form -- 
but only the opening section of PetPhil (8/2), and perhaps of 
ApocrJas, seem to qualify as allegedly <em>apostolic</> letters 
(in each instance, letters attached to other materials). There 
are, of course, numerous writings identified in one way or 
another with "apostolic" names, but most of them fit better into 
other categories. An exception, perhaps, is PrPaul (1/1), which 
by default (it is not gospel, or acts, or an apocalypse) might be 
included here. 

   <h2>Apocalypses</>. -- In one sense, the revelatory gospel-
discourses listed above often also qualify as "apocalypses" -- 
e.g. ApocPet (7/3). But Jesus is not the only revealer of clearly 
Christian association in the <hi>NHL</> collection. In 2ApocJas 
(5/4), Jacob/James plays a central role as agent of revelation. 
More classic in form is ApocPaul (5/2), in which Paul recounts 
his journey through the heavens. At this point, again, "New 
Testament Apocrypha" collections will be expanded by the material 
in <hi>NHL</>. 

 
<h1>The "Non-Christian" Connection</>
 
   It is clear that the NHC preserve numerous documents that have 
explicitly Christian connections in their present form, whatever 
their origins and transmission history. There is no reason to 
doubt, and good reasons to affirm, that Christians copied and 
transmitted the contents, at least in the latest stages. What is 
not so clear is the extent to which originally pre- and/or non-
Christian materials have found their way into the collection (see 
<hi>NHL</> 8-9). The sections from Plato's <ts>Republic</> (6/5) 
and from the Hermetic Prayer of Thanksgiving (6/7), Asclepius 
(6/8), and the Discourse on 8th and 9th (6/6) are obvious 
illustrations of the breadth represented in the direction of non-
Jewish and non-Christian materials. Whether and to what extent 
such texts as ParaShem, ApocAdam, 3StSeth, Zost, Allog, Mar, and 
Nor relate to or derive from Jewish, perhaps even pre-Christian 
Jewish, circles requires careful attention. The relation of SSext 
(12/1) to Judaism and Christianity, and also to "gnosticism," is 
equally problematic. Similarly, the tractate Thund (6/2), even in 
its preserved form, contains nothing distinctively Christian or 
Jewish -- or for that matter, nothing characteristically 
"gnostic"--although a shorter, somewhat variant form of its 
opening self-affirmation is ascribed to "Eve the first virgin" in 
OrgWld (2/5): 
 
   <ts>OrgWld</> (2/5) 114.8-15     <ts>Thund</> (6/2) 
                                                    13.1 - 14.15 
                                    . . . I am the first
                                                    and the last. 
   I am the portion of my mother,   I am the honored one
       and I am the mother.                  and the scorned one. 
                                    I am the whore
                                                and the holy one. 
   I am the woman,                  I am the wife                   
             and I am the virgin.                 and the virgin. 
   I am the pregnant one.           I am (the mother) 
                                                and the daughter. 
                                    I am the members  
                                                    of my mother. 
   I am the physician.              I am the barren one. . . .
   I am the midwife.                I am the midwife
                                       and she who does not bear. 
                                    I am the solace 
                                               of my labor pains. 
                                    I am the bride  
                                              and the bridegroom, 
   My husband is the one               and it is my husband 
                   who begot me,                    who begot me. 
     and I am his mother,           I am the mother of my father
       and he is my father            and the sister  
                                                   of my husband. 
                    and my lord.          and he is my offspring. 
   He is my potency.                I am the slave  
                                          of him who prepared me. 
                                    I am the ruler  
                                           of my offspring. . . . 
   That which he desires            He is my offspring . . .
          he speaks with reason.        and my power is from him.       
   I am (still) in a                . . . Whatever he wills 
                  nascent state,             happens to me. . . . 
     but I have borne               
                   a lordly man.    I am the utterance  
                                                      of my name. 

 
<h1>The "non-Gnostic" Connection</>
 
   To suggest that SSext or Thund may be "non-gnostic" in origin 
is, of course, to presume a relatively tight definition of 
"gnostic." Nor does it say anything about how the text came to be 
read and used in the course of transmission. For present 
purposes, those texts which do not seem to require that the 
material world be considered basically and ultimately inferior to 
and in important ways opposed to the "unseen" 
spiritual/immaterial world would not qualify as mainstream 
"gnostic." Thus when the God who is to be worshipped is described 
as creating or maintaining the physical world, or the 
savior/redeemer is depicted as somehow actually being physical or 
physically raised from the dead, the "gnostic" label seems to 
some extent inappropriate. Especially in "ethical" literature, of 
course, the line between a "gnostic" perspective that the world 
is <em>inherently</> inferior/evil and a view that the originally 
good or neutral world <em>has become</> "sinful"/"fallen" and 
thus in need of redemption may be very thin indeed. Adjustments 
in interpreting a text/passage may also be required when the 
scholarly conceit of thinking to know what the words originally 
were intended to mean is considered (this is especially a problem 
with intentionally cryptic texts or parodies). With these 
considerations in mind, however, the following overtly Christian 
texts in <hi>NHL</> for one reason or another seem less likely to 
be of "gnostic" origin: Silv, AcPetTwAp, ActPet. A number of 
other texts in <hi>NHL</> do not <em>demand</> an overtly 
"gnostic" interpretation, although ambiguous enough to 
<em>allow</> such, notably PrPaul, GTh, ThCont, AuthTeach, GrPow, 
InterpKn, ExSoul, ApocrJas, ApocPaul, and ApocPeter. Of the not 
overtly Christian texts, Ascl and SSext seem especially 
problematic from a "gnostic" perspective, while Thund and PrThank 
are mildly questionable. 

 
<h1>Focus on Creation</> 
 
   Probably the single most pervasive general theme found among 
the <hi>NHL</> writings is the derivation of the world 
(cosmogony). In one way or another this is a central focus of 
more than a dozen tractates. Indeed, several writings show such 
close similarities that arrangement of certain passages in 
parallel columns would be very helpful for studying this 
material. In order to test the value of the index in <hi>NHL</> 
as a tool for study, we attempted to trace the story of the four 
angels/lights already known from the Bruce Codex "Sethian" 
tractate's cosmogony -- (H)armozel, Or(o)iel, Daveithai, Eleleth. 
By working backwards and forwards from the <hi>NHL</> Index of 
Names, which provided a cross-reference between the separate 
entries for Armozel and Harmozel, we were able to isolate the 
following group of cosmogonic texts with similar traditions: 
ApocrJn, Zost, GEgypt, TriProt, Melch, HypArch. The composite 
picture of the four angels/lights derived therefrom is especially 
helpful in attempting to understand each of the separate texts as 
well as their points of contact, and led to other names to be 
traced in a sort of onomastic chain reaction which added the 
following similarly cosmogonic texts to the growing list: OrgWld, 
TriTrac, GrSeth, ApocAdam, 3StSeth, DialSav, ParaShem, ValExp, 
Mar, Allog. Various sub-groupings within this larger collection 
emerge on closer analysis -- for example, aspects of the biblical 
Genesis creation tradition appear in many, but not all (e.g. 
TriProt) of the writings. 

   It is interesting to note that several of the aforementioned 
works seem to claim a special scripture-like authority for 
themselves (compare also ApocAdam): e.g. 
 
 ApocrJn (end) -- the revealer commands John to write what 
      has been said and guard it to transmit to other 
      disciples of this mystery, with a curse on anyone 
      who merchandises the revelations. 
 GEgypt -- "the holy book of the Egyptians," 
      "God-written, holy, secret" (end).
 TriProt (end) -- "a sacred scripture written by the Father." 
 Allog (end) -- "wrote down" these revelations for "those 
      who will be worthy after you."
 
See also Zost 130.1f "I wrote three tablets and left them . . . 
for those who come after me, the living elect." 
 

<h1>Focus on Jesus and his Followers</>
 
   The Index of Names will not give the reader much assistance in 
attempting to locate information about the Jesus traditions in 
<hi>NHL</>, beyond undifferentiated lists referring to Christ, 
Jesus, Jesus Christ, Mary, etc. This is unfortunate since 
<hi>NHL</> contains numerous references to the two poles of 
Jesus' earthly story -- birth and infancy, death and resurrection 
-- plus a few other matters. Since this is an area of much 
popular concern, literature like Dart's <tm>The Laughing 
Savior</> and Pagels' <tm>The Gnostic Gospels</> will doubtless 
abound in the next few years. 

   Jesus as teacher/revealer is especially focal in the 
<hi>NHL</>, as we have already noticed above. While GTh has 
spurred on research concerning the origin and development of 
sayings collections (the old "Q hypothesis" with much wider 
ramifications), the significance of various aspects of the 
discourse material for discussions of the Fourth Gospel and the 
New Testament Apocalypse (especially chapters 1 - 3) as well as 
early Christian prophecy and apocalyptic perspectives will have a 
more far-reaching impact in the study of early Christianity. 

   Of special interest in the NH texts is the focus on certain 
early disciples -- Judas Thomas, Jacob/James (the brother of 
Jesus), Peter, Paul, Philip, Mathias, Matthew -- and not the 
least on "the seven women" (SJC beginning, ApocJas 38.16f), with 
particular attention to one or more named Mary/Mariam/Mariamme 
and occasional references to Martha, Salome, Arsinoe. The Index 
of Names is, of course, useful here. On the whole, however, the 
disciples serve mostly as the foil for the Redeemer's 
discoursing, and only occasionally do we learn anything about 
their independent activities. 
 

<h1>Focus on Christian Practices, Use of "Scriptures," Polemics</> 
 
   From the materials in the <hi>NHL</> comes interesting 
information about various aspects of Christian life and practice 
as it was known to the various authors and groups represented in 
this collection of texts. Only occasionally are church officials 
mentioned -- e.g. "the priest" in GPhil 77.2, the antagonistic 
"bishop and deacons" in ApocPet 79.25. Indeed, "the church" is 
itself a term rarely encountered (see <hi>NHL</> Index, TripTract 
57.34 - 59.10 -- preexistent church; GPhil 53.32; ValExp 29.29 - 
31.37 -- preexistent Sophia). Virtually nothing is said in the 
<hi>NHL</> texts about calendric observations -- Sunday receives 
passing notice in OrgWld 118.1-2. A number of prayers, however, 
are referred to or are actually recorded in the texts, along with 
mysterious "nonsense" formulas including sequences of vowels 
resembling passages found elsewhere in magical literature (see 
GEgypt 44.2, 66.8, 67.14; On8th9th 56.17ff, 61.10ff). 

   Of specific rituals, fasting plays no significant role but 
baptism is mentioned in various connections, including the 
reference in OrgWld 122.14f to "three baptisms: . . . spiritual, 
. . . a fire . . . , water." In GPhil 67.28-30 baptism is the 
first of five interrelated ritual aspects of "a mystery" 
performed by the Lord -- "a baptism and a chrism" ("superior to 
baptism" in 74.12f; leads to resurrection in 73.18f) and a 
eucharist (see 75.1, bread-cup-oil; also 75.14f, 77.2ff) and a 
redemption and a bridal chamber (see also 64.32 on the "mystery 
of marriage," 69.22ff on baptism, redemption and bridal chamber). 
Other texts sometimes mention members of this series besides 
baptism -- e.g. TriTrac 127.26 - 128.34 where baptism is called 
the "garment" which those who have received redemption wear; also 
"confirmation," "silence," "bridal chamber," "light," "eternal 
life," and "the totalities"; ValExp 40-44 which mentions 
anointing, baptism, eucharist; DialSav 138.19 on the bridal 
chamber. A ritual kiss on the mouth also is discussed in GPhil 
59.3-4 (cf 63.35f, 2ApocJas 56.14). 

   Various attitudes to what have become the "scriptures" of 
Judaism and of Christianity, and to other revered writings, are 
displayed by the <hi>NHL</> texts. On the one hand, ValExp 
28.29ff tells its readers of the necessity to search the 
scriptures, and in certain tractates we find a wide positive use 
of "scriptural" quotation and/or allusion -- ExSoul is the most 
obvious example (including quotes from "the poet" Homer at 136.17 
- 137.2), but TestimTr and Silv also contain such quotations. On 
the other hand, the words of Moses are at best ambivalent for 
ApocrJn (see 13.20, 22.22, 23.2, 29.6 "<em>not</> as Moses 
said"), while the heroes and the God of Jewish scriptural 
tradition are ridiculed in 2TrSeth 62-65, and the traditional 
story of the fall (Genesis 1-3) is turned on its head in TestimTr 
45-48. Elsewhere, various non-biblical titles are mentioned as 
somehow worthy of attention -- book of Zoroaster (ApocrJn 19.10), 
Archangelike of Moses and various other "holy books" (OrgWld 102, 
107, 112, 122), book the great Seth wrote (GEgypt 68.1f) -- and 
certain of the <hi>NHL</> texts themselves make claims to be 
authoritative writings -- GEgypt, ApocAdam, On8th9th, Zost, 
Allog, TrimProt (see above on creation accounts). 

   A few passages in the <hi>NHL</> materials offer explicit 
information about inner Christian conflicts. Most intriguing is 
TestimTr, which criticizes "the foolish" who claim to be 
"Christians" but are actually ignorant and fit the pattern of 
"Pharisees and scribes" by exhibiting the "errant desire of the 
angels and the demons and the stars" (see 29.12ff, 31.22ff, 
41.2ff). Later, in a very poorly preserved section, criticism is 
voiced against Valentinus and his disciples (56), and Basilides 
and his son Isidore (57), among others. The author also is 
critical of portions of Jewish scriptures, which are quoted or 
alluded to several times (see the preceding paragraph), of 
certain attitudes to Christian baptism as a "seal" of salvation -- 
indeed, "the baptism of truth" is found "by renunciation of the 
world" (67.7-31) -- and of certain positive attitudes to future 
resurrection which are corrected with the words "this is the 
perfect life, that one knows himself by means of the All" (34.26 
- 36.28). 

 
<h1>Quality of the English Translations in NHL</>

   Evaluating the English translations of the Coptic texts that 
comprise this volume is a formidable task. The reviewer is faced 
with 47 separate texts edited or translated by 31 different 
scholars working independently or in collaborative groups of two 
or three on one or more texts. The quality of the translations 
varies widely -- some are very good, others barely adequate (see 
below). As the individual tractates are published in the NHS 
series (with text, translation, and commentary) reviewers will be 
able to deal with each tractate in detail. Here, we can only 
summarize the translation problems and caution users against 
uncritical use of this volume. 

   Obviously, different readers will use these translations in 
different ways. Those who read Coptic will not be seriously 
inconvenienced by errors and incoherencies in the translation 
since they will be able, at least theoretically, to check 
specific passages in the Coptic original, but may be distressed 
at other features (see below). Those who do not read Coptic, 
however, are at the mercy of the translators and should be warned 
against using this volume as a firmly established Nag Hammadi 
"bible" to be quoted with confidence. Some of the translations 
are still quite "provisional" and must be used with great 
caution. 

   Variation in translational style is to be expected in a 
collection of this type, to which so many scholars have 
contributed, and the editor's introduction prepares the reader 
for this (XI). But in the treatment of technical terms and 
especially of borrowed Greek words this variety seriously reduces 
the book's usefulness. Contrary to common practice, the 
translations do not mark the presence of Greek words in the 
Coptic original, possibly due to considerations of space and 
economy. Many of the Greek words are technical terms which often 
refer to personified concepts (Nous, Logos, etc.). The 
translators handle these personifications in various ways: some 
transiterate (Nous), others translate and capitalize (Mind). If 
the translator decides that no personification is intended, the 
Greek word is simply translated (mind). This inconsistency 
between tractates, and occasionally within the same tractate, can 
create significant problems for the reader. If we find "Sophia" 
in some texts (see Index, which lists more than 50 occurrences) 
and "Wisdom" in others (about 15 listed in the Index), can we 
infer any common ground between them? We could at least consider 
possible connections if it were clear that the same Greek word 
<gk>sophia</> appears in all the Coptic passages listed. 
Especially confusing is GPhil where we find both Sophia (59.30f) 
and Wisdom (60.11-15) side by side in personified forms. 
Elsewhere, Greek and English words are awkwardly mixed in a 
series of personifications, perhaps to alert the reader to the 
presence of a particular Greek word in the Coptic: "perfection, 
peace, and Sophia" (ApocrJn 9.19f -- why are not all three 
"aeons" capitalized in English?), and "Nous and Word and Division 
and Envy and Fire" (GrSeth 68.19). 

   The same impulse introduces transliterated Greek into 
inappropriate contexts, such as GrSeth 66.6-8: " . . . the 
undefiled wedding was consummated through the Mesotes of Jesus." 
Is it likely that a personified abstraction is intended here, 
rather than the simple statement, "through the mediation of 
Jesus"? In ApocrJn, the Greek term <gk>pronoia</> is sometimes 
transliterated (6.5-30, 30.12) and sometimes translated 
"foreknowledge" (23.24-29, 28.2, 29.2), while another term, 
<gk>prognosis</>, also is translated "foreknowledge" (5.13 - 
6.6). The translator may be correct in his judgment that one 
usage is a personification and another is not, but the basis for 
this judgment is not immediately apparent and the English reader 
may not recognize what is happening. Indeed, the well-intended 
cross-references in the Index may add to the confusion since 
(personified) Foreknowledge is listed without cross-references 
while Forethought refers us to Pronoia, Providence, and Thought. 
Under "Thought," we are then referred to Ennoia and Epinoia as 
well as Protennoia (but not to Forethought). There is no Index 
entry for Prognosis. 

   The same problem of variation in treatment of technical terms 
within and between the treatises also affects Coptic (non-Greek) 
technical terms such as <cp>pterf</> (the All) but not to the 
same degree because such Coptic terms are always translated, 
never transliterated. But the failure consistently to indicate 
Greek terms forces the scrupulous reader to consult the Coptic 
text very frequently, thus to some extent undermining the value 
of a compact translation for that sort of user. 

   Mistranslation of individual words, misinterpretation of Coptic 
grammar, and errors in editing occur in several tractates. In 
GPhil 61.14 <cp>mou</> is translated "dissolve" instead of "set" 
or "become fixed," which would certainly be better suited to the 
metaphor of dyes that are permanent (Crum l59a). Similarly, in 
GrPow 46.2 <gk>stigme</> is translated "moment" though "mark" 
suits the context and is attested in Greek of the period (Crum 
562a), perhaps through confusion with <gk>stigma</>. In Ascl 
75.29 <cp>kooh</> should be translated "mountain" or "summit" 
rather than corner. The intended emphasis or contrast is lost in 
GrSeth 59.26f when <gk>ereuporei</> is mistranslated 
"<em>advancing</> the name of Christ." The point seems to be that 
they "think that they are <em>rich</> in the name of Christ, but 
they are unknowingly empty" (see Crum 83a). The awkwardness of a 
sentence such as "I proclaim to you to tell you these (words) 
that I shall speak" (2ApocJas 52.13-15) is the result of 
mistranslation of the Coptic <cp>shmnoufe</> (= 
<gk>euaggelion</>). With this correction, and a slight 
grammatical adjustment, the sentence reads "I give you good news, 
telling you these (words) that I shall speak." 

   Confusion is sometimes due to misinterpretation of Coptic 
tenses. In GrSeth 55.7 the translator reads <cp>nef</> as the 
prefix of negative third future ("the plan will certainly not 
materialize"), yet this section repeatedly uses the prefixes 
<cp>nei</>, <cp>neu</>, etc., for the imperfect. The sentence, as 
an imperfect, should read, "the plan is coming into being," which 
makes better sense in connection with the following sentence: 
"For Adonaios knows me because of hope." Earlier, in 53.5 a 
second perfect tense is incorrectly translated as a 
circumstantial, producing an incomplete sentence. With a second 
perfect, the passage begins "but it was because of contact with 
ignorance that they received the name. . . ." In some passages, 
the grammatical elements are interpreted in a way that is 
possible, but highly unlikely: no question mark is necessary in 
On8th9th 58.23; a sentence division inappropriately follows the 
Greek particle <gk>gar</> in GPhil 52.18 (it should be divided, " 
. . . and this one is in danger of dying. For he is alive ever 
since Christ came. The world . . ."); not a nominal sentence, but 
simple apposition ("I, Jesus Christ . . .") appears in GrSeth 
69.21. In GrSeth 66.6 the use of the passive verb "was 
consummated" is unjustified, and may be the result of the earlier 
omission of an indirect object which provides the antecedent to 
the subject of the verb, thus: 
 
   <hi>NHL</> version at 7/2.66.1ff   <em>Improved version</>
   . . .                              . . . 
   when they had taken counsel        having taken counsel
   about a spiritual wedding          about a spiritual marriage
   which is in union,                 which is in union --  
   and thus he                        and thus it [the marriage]
   was perfected                      was completed <em>for them</>
   in the ineffable places            in the ineffable places 
   by a living word,                  through a living word --  
   the undefiled wedding              <em>they consummated</> this 
   was consummated                    undefiled marriage
   through the Mesotes                through the mediation 
   of Jesus. . . .                    of Jesus. . . . 
 
   Over-literal translation, insufficient sentence division, and a 
choice of words that strike the wrong note also make for 
difficult reading, occasionally to the point of 
unintelligibility. Sometimes there is an attempt to translate 
every Coptic word: "Show us the pearl before our eyes" (AcPet 
12.24; see also ApocJas 15.6). Desire for quantitative 
equivalence also produces technically accurate but idiomatically 
awkward expressions such as "finding your houses <em>unceiled</>" 
(ApocJas 9.5-6; Coptic <cp>emnmelot</>). A sentence such as is 
found in ApocPet 71.22ff -- running for seven printed lines -- 
may follow the Coptic closely yet be confusing in English due to 
the accumulation of relative clauses and the strange use of the 
dash. This should be divided into two or three sentences if a 
useful English <em>translation</> is desired. We also question 
the use of old English thee, thou, etc., in prayers contained in 
GEgypt 66-67, DialSav 121 (see also "ye . . . you" in 133.14), 
On8th9th 52-63, PrThank, ParaShem (passim), 3StSeth 118-127, Silv 
112.28ff, and ValExp 40-44. It is especially confusing to come 
across this style in the middle of a tractate when the opening 
prayer tractate of the collection does not use it; the reader who 
is unfamiliar with Coptic may think that there is a basis for 
these differentiations in Coptic (a polite second person), 
although there is none. 

   Some of the translations are a clear improvement over 
previously published attempts. The better translations are 
characterized by skillful editing and reconstruction of the text, 
effective sentence division, and avoidance of overliteral 
translation. The reconstruction of gaps in the text of the PrPaul 
(Dieter Mueller, translator) is particularly effective. In the 
case of the AuthTeach (Douglas Parrott, editor; George MacRae, 
translator) the restraint, compared to earlier editions, shown in 
restoration of the opening portion of the text is commendable. 
Many examples of effective sentence division and non-literal, yet 
accurate, translation could be selected from the TriTrac (Harold 
Attridge and D. Mueller, translators) -- e.g. 63.15ff "He, 
however, is as he is, the incomparable one. In order that he 
might receive honor from each one, the Father reveals himself, 
and yet in his ineffability wonders at himself." The use of 
punctuation here is very skillful and makes a difficult passage 
reasonably clear. 

   Because of the extremely uneven quality of the translations the 
reader must use them with varying degrees of caution. We cannot, 
however, rate the relative merits of each and every translation 
in this review and will thus simply cite those we have found to 
be positively or negatively noteworthy, for one reason or 
another. Those who read Coptic can safely use all the 
translations for quick thematic review, followed by a comparison 
of some individual passages with the Coptic original. Other 
readers must be wary of identifying all but the broadest outlines 
of thought in GrSeth and be moderately cautious in their use of 
the translations of the ApocrJn, AcPetTwAp, GrPow, On8th9th, and 
Ascl. These tractates are relatively more marked by inconsistency 
in translational technique and/or by mistranslation. Those who do 
not read Coptic can place relatively more confidence in the 
TriTrac and the GPhil (Wesley Isenberg, translator), which are 
idiomatic, yet accurate, translations. The remainder of the 
translations seem to be literal (at times over literal) and 
sufficiently accurate for general purposes. 

   All users of this volume should benefit from the publication of 
separate editions of the tractates in the CGL series. These 
separate publications will doubtless be able to correct some 
problems that have been noted in earlier drafts and/or in 
<hi>NHL</>, and each can itself be reviewed in detail. For the 
present, we have tried to provide a general impression of the 
main strengths and weaknesses of the translations, with the non-
Coptic user especially in mind. 

 
<h1>Quality of the Printing and Index in NHL</>
 
   For a work in which there is so much room for typographical 
error, this volume is amazingly free of such blemishes. Those of 
us who have watched James Robinson meticulously working his way 
through the proofs even during "free time" at busy professional 
meetings can perhaps begin to appreciate the type of effort 
expended in this regard. A few problems remain to be noted here: 
 
  pp. 51 and 53 (heading), read I,4 not I,3; 
  p. 79 (at 98.5), phantasy, but p. 81 (at 103.16), fantasy; 
  pp.237 (at 143.19), 445 (at 47.26), 462 (at 36.3), close 
     the brackets; 
  p. 284 (last line), initial letter has slipped, final
     letters should read de-;
  p. 304 (top line at end), read vision; 
  p. 430 (last line), "does work on the Son" seems faulty; 
  p. 441 (last line at 43.18), left bracket is lacking in
     the final pair. 
 
   The proofreaders and editors failed more frequently in noting 
inconsistencies in use of capitalization even within the same 
tractate as well as between tractates -- e.g. 
 
  Son of man (p. 27 last line, p. l45 at 76.1-2), 
    Son of Man (p. 30 at 3.14), 
    son of man (p. 30 at 3.18, p. 112 at 25.1), 
    son of Man (p. 106 at 14.15), etc.; the 
    Index compiler should have caught this problem. 
  Word (see Index), but also "word," for no obvious 
    reason, e.g. on p. 321 at 29.6 and p. 324 at 37.7 --  
    unfortunately the Index compiler failed to include
    lower case occurrences even where they clearly refer
    to personified Word.
  Hymen (ParaShem, passim), but also hymen (p. 328 at 47.25) --  
    fortunately even the latter is indexed. 
 
   The Index of Proper Names requires further attention, and has 
already received some comment in the preceding section. In many 
ways it epitomizes the weakness of <hi>NHL</> as well as the 
tantalizing potential. The index is well intentioned and 
extremely useful; it is also flawed and sometimes very 
frustrating. It is flawed partly because it must try to present 
in as consistent and ordered fashion as possible materials which 
to some extent are inconsistently presented or are inherently 
ambiguous in the various translations. We have noted some of this 
above -- when does a term qualify as a "proper name" in this 
literature so full of personified "concepts and abstractions"? As 
the introduction to the Index notes, "it remains for future 
research to make a definitive distinction between cases where 
each term is a proper name and case where it is a common noun or 
an adjective. In these case the selection provided here is only 
preliminary, and in some case the quantity of occurrences has led 
to a selection even within those that might be considered proper 
names." The reader is then referred to the indices to the volumes 
of CGL "for complete lists of proper names and personified 
concepts" (p. 478). 

   Nevertheless, one cannot help but wonder whether it might not 
have been worth delaying publication for a few extra weeks in 
order to use the process of indexing to bring more homogeneity to 
the edited translations, or at least to constructy a more 
rationalized and comprehensive index, including key concepts and 
events of Christian tradition (e.g. baptism, law, faith, 
crucifixion, resurrection). Admittedly, there will always be room 
for progress in such matters, and the tedious process of editing 
such a heterogeneous collection with so many contributors could 
go on almost indefinitely. It is understandable that the process 
be arrested at some point, that the volume appear. We are elated 
to have it. But the user should also be alerted to what might be 
expected but is not fully realized in the volume, even, or 
especially, in the Index. Thus the following somewhat random 
comments. 

   The index is sometimes deceptive or confusing in its inclusion 
or omission of cross-references, as has been noted above with 
reference to the related entries for Forthought, Pronoia, 
Providence, Thought (First Thought), Protennoia, Ennoia, Epinoia. 
The user who knows no Greek, not to mention Coptic, may not 
realize what is happening here, and as has been pointed out 
above, reference to the individual translated passages may not 
help since Greek transliterations in the Coptic are not noted 
where an English equivalent appears. From <hi>NHL</> alone, it is 
impossible to tell whether "Thought" represents <gk>ennoia</>, 
<gk>epinoia</>, or perhaps a non-Greek Coptic word, or whether 
"Forethought" represents only <gk>pronoia</> or also 
<gk>protennoia</> (apparently usually "First Thought," for which 
there is no entry under "First" but only under "Thought"). It 
would not have been difficult to clarify such matters in the 
Index, if not in the translations themselves. And the users would 
have been well served by such effort. As things now stand, the 
Index makes us wonder whether "Underworld" represents Abyss, 
Hades, Tartaros, or none of those terms to which the Index makes 
cross-references; is there no connection between Existent One, 
Preexistent One, and First-Existing One (none of which are cross-
referenced to each other) as there seems to be between Existent 
One and He Who Is, One Who Is and That Which Is?; should not 
Judas refer also to Thomas?; Mary to Mariam and Mariamme?; from 
Archon one is referred to Ruler, but not vice versa; Messiah 
refers to Christ, but not vice versa; Father has no cross-
reference to Mother-Father; does Eros have any relationship to 
Love (perhaps not)?; do Form, Eidea and Idea have anything in 
common?; what of Life and Living One?; Devil and Satan? 

   At a variety of other points the Index fails to fulfill its 
intended function. There are no entries for (the) All, Apostles 
(although Apostle = Paul appears) or Disciples (even "the 
Twelve"), Archangelike (see Moses), Eighth = Ogdoad, Evangelist, 
First-Thought (see Thought), Harvest (see Place of), Hebdomad, 
Heli (see Seth), Imperishable Ones, Invisible Spirit (see 
Spirit), Invisible Child, Joy (mountain of; see Place of 
Harvest), Just One (see James), Luminaries, Machar (see Seth), 
Mirotheos/Mirothea (see Meiro), Plutonius (see Zeus), Rabbi (for 
Jesus), Rest-Repose (as a place), Sambathas (see Pronoia), Self-
Father (see Father), Telmael (see Seth), Thrice-Male, Totalities, 
Triple-Male, Triple-Powerful Invisible Spirit, Virgin Spirit, 
Vitality. Many of these appear elsewhere in the Index, it is 
true, but the user deserves at least a cross-referenced entry in 
alphabetical order. 

   In terms of accuracy for what it does include, the Index gets 
high grades. Misprints and omissions seem minimal: "church" does 
not appear in 2/3.55.19 as reported; "Eve" is in 9/3.46 (the 
<em>3</> is omitted); "Self-begotten One" occurs also in 
8/l.25.11 (plural) and 25.15 (singular); "Word" possibly is 
personified also in 7/1.29.6, and almost certainly in 37.7 (see 
above under typographical inconsistencies). Undoubtedly other 
users will spot other such problems, but for the most part the 
high degree of editorial excellence is also maintained here. 
 

<h1>Final Note</>
 
   We hope the reader of this review will not be impatient with 
our attempt to cover a wide variety of perspectives in assessing 
<hi>NHL</>, or be confused about our overall evaluation. It is a 
volume that any serious student of early Christianity or of 
Egyptian religion in late antiquity must consult frequently, and 
it is priced low enough for individuals to purchase. There are 
flaws -- some more serious than others, some affecting one type 
of readership (or usership) more than another. But the final word 
is one of deep and lasting appreciation to James Robinson, his 
team and his institution, and to the publishers for making this 
material accessible so quickly, conveniently, and inexpensively. 
Thank you all -- and keep up the good work of making these 
materials progressively more available! 
 
 
<h0>ABBREVIATIONS AND REFERENCES</>
 
BA = Biblical Archaeologist 42/4 (Fall l979). 
 
BCNH = Bibliotheque Copte de Nag Hammadi. Laboratoire d'Histoire 
       Religieuse Universite Laval, ed. (1977-80) Jacques E.  
       Menard. Quebec: Les Presses de l'Universite Laval. 
 
CGL = The Coptic Gnostic Library, Edited with English Translation,
      Introduction and Notes. Published under the Auspices  
      of the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity. Leiden:  
      Brill. [A sub-series within NHS.] 
 
IDBS = International Dictionary of the Bible, Supplement Volume.
       Nashville: Abingdon, l976. 
 
NHC = Nag Hammadi Codices.  The Facsimile Edition of the Nag  
      Hammadi Codices, published under the auspices of the  
      Department of Antiquities of the Arab Republic of Egypt in  
      conjunction with the United Nations Educational, Scientific 
      and Cultural Organization.  Ed. J. M. Robinson, et al.  10  
      vols.  Leiden: Brill, 1972-  .  
 
NHL = The Nag Hammadi Library in English, translated by members   
      of the Coptic Gnostic Library Project of the Institute for  
      Antiquity and Christianity, J. M. Robinson, director. 
      New York: Harper and Row, 1977. 
 
NHS = Nag Hammadi Studies, ed. M. Krause, J. M. Robinson, F.  
      Wisse, et al.  Leiden: Brill, 1975-  .  
 
ALAND, BARBARA (ed.)
  1978  GNOSIS: Festschrift fur Hans Jonas. Gottingen:  
  Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 
 
BARNES, JOHN
  1975  "Greek and Coptic Papyri from the Covers of the Nag   
  Hammadi Codices."  NHS 6, 9-18. 

BARNES, JOHN (completed by J. C. SHELTON and G. M. BROWNE) 
  1981  Nag Hammadi Codices: Greek and Coptic Papyri from the             
  Cartonnage of the Covers. CGL/NHS 16. 
 
BAYNES, CHARLOTTE A.
  1933  A Coptic Gnostic Treatise Contained in the Codex  
  Brucianus.  Cambridge: University Press.
 
BIANCHI, UGO (ed.)
  1967  Le origini dello Gnosticismo: Colloquio di Messina 13-18
  Aprile 1966; Testi e discussioni.  Supplements to Numen 12. 
  Leiden: Brill.
 
BURCHARD, CHRISTOPH 
  1957, 1965  Bibliographie zu den Handschriften vom Toten Meer.
  Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, Beihefte
  76, 89. Berlin: Topelmann.  Updated regularly in Revue de   
  Qumran. 
 
BURROWS, MILLAR 
  1955  The Dead Sea Scrolls. New York: Viking. 
  1957  More Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls. New York: Viking. 
 
CHARLESWORTH, JAMES H.
  1976  The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research. SBL SCS 7.
  Missoula: Scholars Press. [New edition forthcoming.]
 
CRUM, WALTER E. 
  1939  A Coptic Dictionary.  Oxford: Clarendon.
 
DART, JOHN
  1976  The Laughing Savior: the Discovery and Significance 
  of the Nag Hammadi Gnostic Library.  New York: Harper & Row.
 
DORESSE, JEAN 
  1960  The Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics: An 
  Introduction to the Gnostic Coptic Manuscripts Discovered at  
  Chenoboskion.  English trans. by P. Mairet from 1958-59 French  
  original.  New York: Viking.  
 
DUPONT-SOMMER, ANDRE
  1961  The Essene Writings from Qumran.  Trans. G. Vermes. 
  Oxford: Blackwell.
 
FITZMYER, JOSEPH A. 
  1975  The Dead Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and Tools for  
  Study.  Sources for Biblical Study 8.  Missoula: Scholars 
  Press (SBL).
 
FULLER, REGINALD H. 
  1978  Review Notice of NHL. Interpretation 32, 432 & 434. 
 
GASTER, THEODORE
  1977  The Dead Sea Scriptures. Third ed. New York: Doubleday. 
 
GRANT, ROBERT M.  
  1977  Review of Pagels 1973 and 1975.  RSR 3/1, 30-35.
 
HENNECKE-SCHNEEMELCHER
  1963, 1965  New Testament Apocrypha.  Trans. ed. R. McL.      
  Wilson.  2 vols.  Philadelphia: Westminster.
 
JAMES, MONTAGUE RHODES
  1953  The Apocryphal New Testament. Supplemented and corrected
  ed.  Oxford: Clarendon. 
 
JONAS, HANS 
  1962  Review of Doresse 1960.  Journal of Religion 42, 262-73.
 
KAMMERER, WINIFRED
  1950  A Coptic Bibliography. University of Michigan General   
  Library Publications.  Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 
 
KRAUSE, MARTIN (ed.)
  1975  Essays on the Nag Hammadi Texts in Honor of Pahor Labib.
  NHS 6.  
 
KRIM, KEITH R.
  1978  Review Notice of NHL.  Religion in Life 47, 389-90. 
 
LA SOR, WILLIAM 
  1958  Bibliography of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1948-1957.
  Pasadena: Fuller Theological Seminary.
 
LAYTON, BENTLEY 
  1976  "Coptic Language." IDBS, 174-79.
  1979  The Gnostic Treatise on Resurrection from Nag Hammadi.
  Missoula: Scholars Press. 
 
MAC RAE, GEORGE W.
  1976  "Nag Hammadi." IDBS, 613-19.
  1979  Review of NHC.  BA 42/4, 249-50.
 
PAGELS, ELAINE H. 
  1972  "A Valentinian Interpretation of Baptism and Eucharist      
  and its Critique of 'Orthodox' Sacramental Theology and 
  Practice."  Harvard Theological Review 65, 153-69.
  1973  The Johannine Gospel in Gnostic Exegesis: Heracleon's 
  Commentary on John.  SBL Monograph Series 17. Nashville:  
  Abingdon. 
  1975  The Gnostic Paul: Gnostic Exegesis of the Pauline 
  Letters.  Philadelphia: Fortress. 
  1979  Review of NHL.  BA 42/4, 250-51.
  1980  The Gnostic Gospels. New York: Random House.
 
PEARSON, BIRGER A.
  1978  "The Tractate Marsanes (NHC X) and the Platonic   
  Tradition."  In Aland, 373-84.  
  1979  Review of NHS 11.  BA 42/4, 251-52. 
 
POLOTSKY, HANS JACOB
  1944  Etudes de syntaxe copte. Publications de la Societe 
  d'archeologie copte. Cairo. 
  1971  "Coptic."  In Current Trends in Linguistics 6, ed.  
  T. A. Sebeok, pp. 558-70.  The Hague: Mouton. 
 
QUASTEN, JOHANNES 
  1950-60   Patrology. 3 vols. Westminster, Md.: Newman.  
 
ROBINSON, JAMES M.
  1968  "The Coptic Gnostic Library Today."  New Testament  
  Studies 14, 356-401.
  1972  "Introduction" to NHC, reprinted as Occasional Papers 4 
  by the Claremont Institute for Antiquity and Christianity.
  1975  "The Construction of the Nag Hammadi Codices." In 
  Krause l975, 184-90.  
  1977a  "The Jung Codex: The Rise and Fall of a Monopoly." 
  RSR 3/1, 17-30. 
  1977b  The Nag Hammadi Codices: A General Introduction to the 
  Nature and Significance of the Coptic Gnostic Library from Nag
  Hammadi.  Second, revised edition. Claremont: Institute for 
  Antiquity and Christianity. 
  1979a  "Introduction." BA 42/4, 20l-204.
  1979b  "The Discovery of the Nag Hammadi Codices."  
  BA 42/4, 206-224. 
  1979c  "Getting the NHL into English." BA 42/4, 239-48. 
  1980  [pre-publication report delivered at SBL Annual Meeting]
 
SCHMIDT, CARL (ed.) 
  1892  Gnostische Schriften in koptischer Sprache aus dem Codex
  Brucianus.  Texte und Untersuchungen 8. Leipzig: Hinrichs.
 
SCHMIDT, CARL and TILL, WALTER
  1959  Die Pistis Sophia: Die beiden Buecher Jeu: Unbekanntes  
  altgnostisches Werk.  Koptisch-gnostischen Schriften 1. Third   
  ed.  Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller.  Berlin:   
  Akademie Verlag.  
 
SCHOLER, DAVID M. 
  1971  Nag Hammadi Bibliography 1948-1969.  NHS 1. 
  1971- "Bibliographica Gnostica: Supplementum." Annual update in 
  Novum Testamentum 13-  .
 
TILL, WALTER
  1955  Koptische Grammatik (saidischer Dialekt). Lehrbucher  
  fur das Studium der orientalischen Sprachen 1.  Leipzig:
  Harrassowitz. 
 
TURNER, ERIC G. 
  1977  The Typology of the Early Codex.  Philadelphia:   
  University of Pennsylvania Press. 
 
VERMES, GEZA
  1975  The Dead Sea Scrolls in English. Baltimore: Penguin.
 
WILLIAMS, MICHAEL A.
  1978  Review of NHL. JBL 97, 610-12.
 
WILSON, ROBERT McL. 
  1978  "One Text, Four Translations: Some Reflections on the Nag 
  Hammadi Gospel of the Egyptians."  In Aland, 441-48.
 
WISSE, FREDERICK
  1977  "Language Mysticism in the Nag Hammadi Texts and in Early 
  Coptic Monasticism I: Cryptology."  Gottinger Orientforschungen 
  6, Reihe Hellenistica.  
  1978  "Gnosticism and Early Monasticism in Egypt." In 
  Aland, 431-40.
 
YAMAUCHI, EDWIN 
  1978  Review of NHL.  Christianity Today 23, 36-42. 
 

<h0>Appendix: REFERENCES TO THE CRUCIFIXION/DEATH OF JESUS</>

(by William Henderson, ca 1979) 
 
 ApocrJas 1/2.5.17ff, 5.33-35, 6.1ff. 
 GTruth 1/3.18.22ff, 20.10ff, 20.23-30
 Eugnostos [On Resurr] 1/4.45.14ff
 TriTract 1/5.115.3ff, 133.16ff 
 GPhil 2/3.52.35ff, 56.15ff, 63.21ff, 67.23ff, 68.26ff, 73.8ff
 GEgypt 3/2.65.17ff 
 1ApocJas 5/3.30.14ff, 31.14ff
 2TrGrSeth 7/2.55.15ff, 55.30 - 56.19 
 ApocPet 7/3.81.4-28
 Silv 7/4.107.13
 LetPetPhil 8/2.139.15-23 
 Melch 9/1.5.1ff, 24.2ff
 InterpKn 11/1.5.30ff 
 ValExpos 11/2.33.17ff
 TriProt 13/1.50.12-15
 
Henderson Bibliography: 
 
   Bousset, W. Kyrios Christos. NY: Abingdon, 1970 (ET) 
   Doresse, J. "Le refus de la Croix." La Table Ronde 120 (1957)
      89-97 
   _______, Secret Books of the Egyptian Gnostics. London: 
      Hollin and Carter, 1960 
   Groff, K. I. "The Death of Jesus in the Gospel of Truth."
      Dimension 4 (1967) 44-51
   Jonas, H.  The Gnostic Religion. Boston: Beacon, 1958
   Orbe, A.  "La Pasion segun los Gnosticos." Gregorianum 56
      (1975) 5-43 
   Tro"ger, K. W. "Doketistische Christologie in Nag-Hammadi
      Texten: ein Beitrag zum Doketismus in fru"hchristlicher 
      Zeit." Kairos 19 (l977) 45-52 
 
  
/end/