The DSS and the Apostolic Fathers, with some Observations on Other Early Christian Literature apart from the NT by Robert A. Kraft, University of Pennsylvania For the Encyclopedia of the DSS (Oxford) -- 2000 words (7 pp) The current scholarly consensus seems to deny any direct influence by the DSS materials (or their original users) on any of the early Christian texts in the modern artificial anthology called the "Apostolic Fathers" (1 Clement, Ignatius, Papias, Polycarp, Barnabas, the Didache, Shepherd of Hermas, 2 Clement). The bold early views of scholars such as Audet and Danielou who attributed many of the ideas and practices of early Christians to "Essene" influence mediated by conversions of displaced Essenes have given way to a recognition of the wide variety of perspectives present in early Judaism and their complex relationships with what became early Christianity. While there is general agreement that certain features found in some of this Christian literature are similar to some DSS materials (e.g. the "two ways" ethical outlook and related "dualism"), the preferred explanation is now much more nuanced in appealing to a common core of Jewish traditions that are reflected in the DSS as well as by the early Christian sources. 1. State of the Question, ca 1966. The first generation of DSS scholarship searched widely for parallels to be explored in early Christian sources and contexts and did not come up empty handed! A convenient and detailed review of publications to the mid 1960s is to be found in Herbert Braun's impressive Qumran und das Neue Testament, which in the second volume also deals with other early Christian sources outside the NT (especially sections 10, on the early church, and 11, the Ebionites and the Pseudoclementines; also sections 12-19 which return synthetically to various overarching topics). Braun also includes a section of individual reviews of the pertinent literature followed by concluding remarks and extensive indices. I know of nothing comparable in English. Braun's general conclusion to section 10 (early church) is worth quoting (2.210-11): Only a few of the alleged analogies between Qumran and the early church turn out to be valid: dualism, the two ways teaching, the duration of the novitiate, the nightly religious activity of the monastic community and its asceticism, as also the possible derivation of combined citations from collections of citations of the sort that a few 4Q texts exemplify. A relationship between Qumran and the early church based on the following appears to be doubtful: christology, baptism, eucharist, the church, heirarchical structure, times of prayer, fasting and feasting, concern for the poor, hospitality, and the general manner of citing OT passages. From the literature normally included in the "Apostolic Fathers," Braun focuses mostly on the possibly significant, in his estimation, "dualism" and "two ways teaching" found in Barnabas 18-21, Didache 1-6 (with the closely related Latin "Doctrina"), and the Shepherd of Hermas. Otherwise, he mentions favorably (2.210) aspects of the scriptural quotations in Barnabas as possible evidence for early Christian use of quotation collections ("testimonia"). Braun tends to dismiss (see his indices for page numbers) a series of alleged parallels to the Didache's treatment of baptism in Did 7, fasting days in Did 8.1, daily prayer in Did 8.3, eucharist in Did 9-10, prophets and bishop in Did 11-15, and the analogy of the old Israelite priesthood in Did 13.3-4 (see also 1 Clement 40-44). He also doubts that Did 4.6 on concern for the poor (see also Justin's Apology 67.6), or 12.1 on hospitality for itinerants, or 10.5 on the holy spirit show any specific connection to DSS (1QS) perspectives. Similarly, Braun finds no reason to connect the treatment of sabbath/sunday in Barn 15.9 and Ignatius' Magnesians 9.1 to anything at Qumran. With reference to concepts of the "church" and its organization, Braun dismisses alleged parallels to Hermas 3(=Vis 3).4 and to questions of "orders" (strata) of membership organization in the community in 1 Clem 37-44, as well as to the office of bishop/overseer in Ignatius (passim; see also Did 15.1-2) and the parallel to the scriptural "priestly" office as noted above. 2. Studies Subsequent to ca 1966. Relatively little new work has been done since that time on the possible relationships between the growing collection of available DSS and early Christian developments apart from the NT -- except, perhaps, on the question of the "two ways" ethical instruction (and related "dualisms"). For most of the subsequent three decades of scholarship, the index to the 1996 Martinez-Parry Bibliography somewhat misleadingly lists only two entries for our targeted early Christian texts: Kister's brief examination of two passages from Barnabas in relation to 4Q385 ("pseudo Ezekiel") [see *Ben Wright article], and Hanson's short note on the tree allegory in Hermas 67-77 (Sim 8) in relation to two passages from 1QH. Actually, however, a number of studies involving especially Barnabas, the Didache, and Hermas have also appeared and are indexed under headings such as "two ways," "two spirits," "dualism," or even "Essenes,Christianity and." On the "two ways" subject, much of the relevant literature up to about 1980 (note especially Suggs, Rordorf) is summarized and critiqued in the introduction to Margaret McKenna's 1981 dissertation. McKenna finds a significant disparity between the "two ways" as expressed in DSS documents and that which underlies the "common source" of Barnabas and the Didache, which for her rules out any direct relationship. She comments: "To the consensus regarding the existence of some relationship of these early Christian Two Ways texts with Qumran related ones, we have the corresponding debate about whether the Qumran influence was part of a unilinear development in the Two Ways tradition, ...or whether there were more than one line in its transmission" (17). She argues for the latter in her analysis of about 100 ancient "two ways" witnesses, and attempts to distinguish a "Persian pattern" (attested in the Qumran witnesses) from a "Greek pattern" (found in the early Christian materials) and to chart their respective characteristics. Whether one agrees with the details of her analysis or not, she seems to typify the tendency to retreat from a position in which the DSS are credited with creating the "two ways" tradition found in Barnabas and the Didache in favor of a more complex understanding of the larger picture. The possible relationships between the DSS and the Shepherd of Hermas are especially interesting because they have been made to extend significantly beyond the "two ways" themes. Indeed, Audet constructed an explanatory hypothesis that has left little subsequent mark on scholarly literature, namely, that Hermas was written by the son of a former Qumranite who converted to Christianity. Danielou was sympathetic and cites various supposed parallels. Hanson attempts to add another by comparing 1QH 6[=14].8-28 and 8[=16].1-12 to the tree image in Hermas 67-77 (=Sim 8): "It seems to me that the parallel [tree, angel, branches, law, apostates] as set out above is sufficiently close as to suggest that the author of the Shepherd of Hermas was using materials which came from the same tradition as is represented in the Hodayoth" (106); "I do not claim to have proved a connection between Hodayoth and Hermas. But I think there is sufficient in common to suggest that the author of the Shepherd of Hermas had access to the Qumran tradition, and even that he was acquainted with the Hodayoth material in some form or another" (108 end). Recent literature on Hermas, however, shows little interest in such suggestions. The massive commentary by Norbert Brox includes various references and footnotes to Audet, Danielou and Hanson (353), among others, but is not particularly swayed by the claims and arguments. Even Carolyn Osiek in her study of Rich and Poor in the Shepherd of Hermas notes aspects of her theme in the DSS but draws no special connection from them to Hermas. While the idea that Hermas blends influences from "Jewish- Christianity" and from "hellenism" is perhaps overplayed in some of the recent literature (e.g. Joly, Reiling, Osiek, Brox), clear dependence of Hermas on the world(s) of the DSS seems unlikely. In an article not noted by Braun, David Flusser finds a possible direct influence of the DSS "sectarian" attitude to divine love and hate in Polycarp Phil 2.2: "The principle 'to love all that He has chosen and to hate all that He has despised' ... could have influenced ... Polycarp to the Philippians 2.2: '...if we shall do His will and walk in His commandments and love that which He did love, abstaining from all wrongdoing ...'" [see also 220 n31 in the same volume]. Simply on the basis of the isolated nature of the alleged parallel, Flusser's suggestion seems unlikely. With respect to the possible influence of DSS literary forms on the "Apostolic Fathers," some attention has been given to the origins and influence of the "testimony book" idea, where authoritative texts are gathered by theme (or some other key) for apologetic or liturgical or other purposes. Qumran cave 4 provides several different possible examples of "testimonia" (4Q175), "florilegia" (4Q174), "catenae" (4Q177, 182), etc. Their precise relationship to such things as the conjectured sources of Barnabas is not clear. 3. Current State of the Question With this background in view, and with a great number of newly available DSS fragments enlarging the picture, we may ask again today: Are there literary or conceptual similarities that might indicate some sort of significant relationship between materials in the DSS and some of the early Christian authors customarily grouped under the heading "Apostolic Fathers"? Clearly the answer still is "yes," as various studies have shown. Are these similarities sufficiently characteristic of the DSS to suggest a unique relationship (rather than, for example, common influence of a more general type affecting both the DSS and the early Christian authors)? The current tendency seems to be to say "no," because our growing recognition of the complexity of Judaism in the Greco-Roman period, and also the complexity of early Christianity, makes it difficult to identify "unique" elements and to demonstrate direct influences. Is it at least possible that uniquely "DSS" ideas and/or practices had a direct influence on some of these early Christian sources? Yes, that cannot be ruled out in the present state of our knowledge of the period. But how strong are the probabilities? How would "things" get from one context (DSS) to the other (these early Christian communities and their texts)? By what route or routes might we expect to find the vibrations of a largely "pre-Christian" Semitic Palestinian selection of writings (and the perspectives of their authors and readers) reverberating in the various areas and among the various representatives of early Christianity, including these "Apostolic Fathers"? We are not without some suggestive clues. Literature that is clearly part of the DSS deposits does turn up in Christian hands -- "unusual" literature relative to what becomes classical Judaism and for that matter, classical Christianity; works such as Jubilees, or Enoch materials (see Barnabas 4.3), or fragments related to the Testaments of the Patriarchs. Interestingly, Hermas has but one explicit citation, and it is to "the book of Eldad and Modat" (7.4)! But the DSS also have lots of "standard" "biblical" works, which clearly were hardly unique to that deposit. Where can we draw the lines between what may have been unique to or characteristic of some group(s) represented in the DSS, and what was simply used by those authors as it came to be used by other Jews and by early Christians as well? Study of the DSS and other ancient evidence seems to be teaching us that the "Jewish context" out of which Christianity emerged was much more variegated and complex than had been suspected. Thus what may have seemed to be a simple task of identifying parallels and tracing influence proves, at present, to be virtually impossible. Audet's bold conjecture that Hermas was written by the son of a Qumranite who had converted to Christianity drew a clear and direct historical link. But he failed to convince all but a few similarly bold interpreters. One of them, Danielou, tried to think more expansively about an influx of vanquished Qumranites into early Christian groups. But Danielou's "Jewish Christianity" was broader and deeper than only what has surfaced in the DSS, and at best brings us back to the question of what in early Christianity might be considered uniquely derived from the DSS compared to more general "Jewish" influences. Where might we discover more clearly traceable influences? One obvious approach would start with linguistic considerations, to explore the evidence offered by Semitic forms of early Christianity, such as resulted in the Syriac traditions, or in other Semitic "Jewish Christian" materials (perhaps including the mysterious Elkesaites and their Manichaean offshoot). Does the renowned late 2nd century poet Bar Daisan (Bardesanes), whose poetry remains hidden to us (unless, perhaps, the Odes of Solomon offer clues), owe anything to the hymnic traditions we encounter in the DSS? It would be a much easier line to draw from Qumran, or whatever those materials represent, to this "David" of the early Syriac tradition (also known for his "fatalism"!) than to the somewhat clumsy revealee of the Hermas saga in Greek. Indeed, Danielou already pointed in the direction of the Odes of Solomon, but with insufficient detail to keep Braun from dismissing the alleged parallels as also typical of the biblical psalter (2.207). With better ammunition in hand, Charlesworth concludes that "it seems more probable that the author of the Odes has been influenced by many of the ideas developed in the DSS; and it is even conceivable that he had at one time been a member of the sect that produced them" (728). Further testing is imperative, but at least there is some apriori plausibility in the suggestion. On the non-Semitic language side, we might look for Greek or Coptic or Latin sources that for one reason or another seem to show some special connection with relevant Semitic worlds, either geographically or perhaps by some other aspect of association. We do encounter early Christian representatives and sources from suggestive multicultural settings/situations such as Justin (the Martyr) with his upbringing in Greek Samaria (and his use of the Greek "KAIGE" version of the Minor Prophets!), or Tatian, who connects somehow both with Justin and with the "Assyrian" east. The mysterious Hegesippus seems to have been conversant in Semitic languages and sources, whatever "of Hebrew origin" (Eusebius HE 4.22.8) may be taken to mean; his lost "memoirs" were known to Eusebius in Greek, and refer to various travels to Mediterranean Christian groups as well as to Jerusalem. We also encounter non-Semitic sources from the (west) Syrian area, from Ignatius bishop of Antioch through Theophilus of Antioch to the Apostolic Constitutions and the Pseudoclementine materials of a much later period. Throughout its history, this geographical region remains in relatively close proximity to the Semitic linguistic worlds, and thus theoretically at least to greater susceptibility to "DSS type" influences. We also have some knowledge of the extent to which easy mobility in the Mediterranean and adjacent worlds could be a factor that linked the Semitic near east with other areas. Some early Christians are forced to travel, like Ignatius in chains enroute to Rome. Some apparently choose their new venues, like Justin and Tatian and Melito and Hegesippus, not to mention Clement who settles in Alexandria after travels in the east or Hippolytus who probably was a newcomer to Rome. And we encounter certain authors who seem to be situated where the effects of such mobility and cross-fertilization leave a mark, as with a ps-Barnabas, if that compilation derives, as I would still argue, from an eclectic Judaistic school tradition in the shadow of Alexandria, or even a Tertullian, who is most at home in Latin in North Africa and Rome but seems to know a few things about Judaism that are not common coin. Origen, from Alexandria to Caesarea, is a prime example. We know so little about the circumstances in which Semitic and Greco-Roman Christian (or for that matter, Jewish) worlds came into sufficient contact for their adherents to desire and then produce the sorts of translational and editorial activities that we visualize behind such texts as the the Enoch cycle(s), or the Testaments of the Patriarchs, or Jubilees (and other Moses materials), or Ascension of Isaiah (see Flusser; also his "Hubris" article, which could be expanded to include DSS horoscope descriptions compared with Satan's description in Apocalypse of Elijah, or even the description of Paul in Acts of Paul!), or Jeremiah's "Paralipomena," or the Baruch and Ezra cycles, not to mention what came to be formalized as "canonical scriptures" (note, e.g. Symmachus "the Ebionite" translator; Eusebius HE 6.17). Yet such materials found their ways across the various languages and locations and cultures of the early Christian world, leaving occasional traces here and there, and making it clear that there were routes by which texts and ideas and practices that we can now associate with the DSS could impact the developing, and the developed, Christian communities. To this point, the search has been for living continuities, between people and groups in direct or indirect contact with each other in various ways including the transmission of literature and traditions without significant interruption. But as our DSS bonanza clearly illustrates, there can also be the factor of ancient "archaeological" discovery and transmission -- what finds of this nature made the headlines in Christian history? How, for example, did Justin acquire access to his KAIGE Minor Prophets text? Somewhat later, according to Eusebius (HE 6.16.2-3), Origen uses unique Greek bible translations found mysteriously "in jars" at "Nicopolis near Actium" (but the Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila 3.10 locates it in Palestine!) and another "at some other such place" and another "in a jar near Jericho" (Epiphanius Weights 18 adds, "along with other Hebrew and Greek books"). Centuries later, Timotheos of Seleucia writes (in Syriac) about cave discoveries of Hebrew manuscripts around 790 ce near Jericho. How often did such events overcome historical discontinuities to produce a fresh infusion of some revered old materials into the Christian (or Jewish) lifestream? For the most part, we can only speculate. Returning to the "Apostolic Fathers," nothing of a sufficiently concrete nature is known about those authors or their sources to produce external evidence for any connections with the DSS, and the internal evidence is too ambiguous to make a strong case for direct or even for a significant indirect dependence. To my knowledge, no scholar (other than Flusser, rather unconvincingly) has claimed any connection between Polycarp, Papias or 2 Clement and the DSS, and the few alleged parallels to 1 Clement and Ignatius seem to lead nowhere. Themes common to Barnabas, the Didache, and Hermas, especially associated with the "two ways" instruction, have their echoes in the DSS, but it is more likely that we are dealing here with relatively commonplace Jewish viewpoints rather than "uniquely DSS" influences. Hermas has some additional parallels, but they are not strong enough to sustain claims of direct influence from DSS Judaism. As has already been noted, the possible use of collected "scriptural testimonies" in Barnabas (and to some extent 1 Clement; but contrasting sharply with the paucity of such references in Didache and especially Hermas) can be seen as a remote sort of connection with a practice that seems to have been present in some DSS, although it would be surprising if it were unique to the DSS. Whether the "logia of the Lord" mentioned by Papias might have any connection to this sort of collecting practice is also a matter for conjecture. The larger context for this discussion would seem to be the development of various approaches to scriptural interpretation (from restatement to anthologizing to explicit commentary) in early Jewish and Christian circles. Finally, the very idea of the Didache as a "rule book" (and along with it, the "Two Ways" genre of ethical instruction) can be made to reflect the purpose of similarly directive DSS materials such as 1QS and CD, but is there any reason to think this was somehow a unique contribution of the DSS compilers? Much is possible, but how much of it is probable? For the "Apostolic Fathers," it seems, very little. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY (Chronological within sub-topics) General J.-P. Audet, "Affinite/s litte/raries et doctrinales du 'Manuel de Discipline,'" RB 59 (1952) 219-238, RB 60 (1953) 41-82. Jean Danielou, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Primitive Christianity, tr Salvator Attanasio (Helicon 1958 [original French 1957] Jean Danielou, The Theology of Jewish Christianity tr and ed John A. Baker (Darton, Longman & Todd / Henry Regnery 1964 [original French 1958]) Herbert Braun, Qumran und das Neue Testament (2 vols; Mohr 1966) David Flusser, Judaism and the Origins of Christianity (Magnes 1988); see especially part 1: The DSS and the NT (essays) A Bibliography of the Finds in the Desert of Judah 1970-95 by F. Garcia Martinez and D. W. Parry (Brill 1996) Two Ways Traditions Jean Danielou, "Une Source de la Spiritualite/ Chretienne dans les Manuscrits de la Mer Morte: La Doctrine des Deux Esprits," Dieu Vivant 25 (1953) 127-136 W.Rordorf, "Un chapitre d'e/thique jude/o-chre/tienne: les deux voies," RechSciRel 60 (1972) 109-28. [Summary in McKenna] M.Jack Suggs, "The Christian Two Ways Tradition: Its Antiquity, Form and Function," pp. 60-74 in Studies in NT and Early Christian Literature: Essays in Honor of Allen P. Wikgren, ed David Edward Aune (Brill 1972). [Criticized by McKenna] P.N.Smyth, The Doctrine of the Two Spirits in the Qumran Literature, with Special Reference to 1QS 3.13-14 (PhD diss, St. Andrews University 1972-73). J.Bergman, "Zum Zwei-Wege-Motiv: Religionsgeschichtliche und exegetische Bemerkungen," Svensk Exegetisk Arsbok 41-42 (1976-77) 27-56. Mathias Delcor, "Doctrines des Esse/niens: Instruction des deux Esprits," Dictionnaire de la Bible Supplement 9 (1978) 960-970 David Flusser, "The Two Ways" [Hebrew], Jewish Sources in Early Christianity (Sifriat Poalim 1979) 235-252 Margaret McKenna, The "Two Ways" in Jewish and Christian Writings of the Greco-Roman Period: A Study of the Form of Repentance Parenesis (University of Pennsylvania dissertation 1981; available from University [of Michigan] Microfilms). Catherine Trautmann, "'L'instruction sur les deux Esprits': le dualisme dans la doctrine et la pratique des Esse/niens," Foi et Vie 80 (Dec 1981) 26-40. M.Philonenko, "La doctrine qumra^nienne des deux esprits," pp 163-211 in Apocalyptique iranienne et dualisme qoumra^nien, ed Geo Widengren et al. (Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve 1995). Barnabas Leslie W. Barnard, "The Epistle of Barnabas and the Dead Sea Scrolls: Some Observations," Scottish Journal of Theology 13 (1960) 43-59 Robert A. Kraft, Barnabas and the Didache, vol 3 of The Apostolic Fathers: A New Translation and Commentary ed Robert M. Grant (Nelson 1965) Menahem Kister, "Barnabas 12.1, 4.3 and 4QSecond Ezekiel," RB 97(1990) 63-67 Bargil Pixner, "The Jerusalem Essenes, Barnabas and the Letter to the Hebrews," pp. 167-78 in Intertestamental Essays in Honour of Jozef Tadeusz Milik, ed Zdzislaw J. Kapera (Cracow: Enigma 1992). [check: Barnabas the person??] Hermas Molly Whittaker, Der Hirt des Hermas (Berlin Akademie 1956 1967\2) [not in Braun] (Jewish influences, close to Qumran) R. Joly, Hermas. Le Pasteur (Cerf[??] 1958 1968\2) J. Kraus, "Hermas," LThK 5 (1960\2) 255f. [not in Braun] (eastern, Jewish-Xn background due to similarity to 1QS) P. Lluis-Font, "Sources de la doctrine d'Hermas sur les deux esprits," RAM 39 (1963) 83-98. [not in Braun] Leslie W. Barnard, "The 'Shepherd' of Hermas in Recent Study," Heythrop Journal 9 (1968) 29-36 J. M. Ford, "A Possible Liturgical Background to the Shepherd of Hermas," RdQ 6 (1969), 531-51. A.T.Hanson, "Hodayoth 6[=14] and 8[=16] and Hermas Sim 8[=67-77]," Studia Patristica 10 = TU 107 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag 1970) 105-108 A. Ragot, "D'Apollos a\ Hermes: Essenes and Early Christianity," Cahiers du Cercle Ernest Renan pour libres recherches d'histoire du christianisme 18 (1971) 45-50 J. Reiling, Hermas and Christian Prophecy: A Study of the Eleventh Mandate (Brill 1973) [includes critique of Ford]. J. P. Martin, "Espi/ritu y dualismo de espi/ritus in el Pastor de Hermas," Vetra Christianorum 15 (1978) 295-345 Carolyn Osiek, Rich and Poor in the Shepherd of Hermas: an Exegetical-Social Investigation (CBQ Monograph 15; Catholic Biblical Association in America 1983) Norbert Brox, Der Hirt des Hermas (Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1991) [see especially n.29 (pp.54f) on DSS-related theories] Polycarp David Flusser, "The DSS and Pre-Pauline Christianity," [original 1958], Judaism and the Origins of Christianity 23-74 Literary Forms (4Q174 Catena, 4Q175 Testimonia, Rules, Two Ways) Joseph Fitzmyer, "4QTestimonia and the New Testament," ThSt 18 (1957) 513-537 Robert Kraft, "Barnabas' Isaiah text and the Testimony Book Hypothesis," JBL 79 (1960) 336-350 p175 diss p170, h200 Danielou, Gundry, whoelse? Audet on Didache? Other A. Ragot, "L'esse/nisme dans les Apocryphes," Cahiers du Cercle Ernest Renan pour libres recherches d'histoire du christianisme 18 (1972) 3-8 David Flusser, "The Apocryphal Book of _Ascensio Isaiae_ and the Dead Sea Sect" [original Hebrew 1952], pp 3-20 in Judaism and the Origins of Christianity. David Flusser, "The Hubris of the Antichrist in Fragment from Qumran" [original about 1977], Judaism and the Origins of Christianity 207-213 James H. Charlesworth, "Odes of Solomon" in The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha 2, ed J. H. Charlesworth (Doubleday 1985) //end of short version// --- LONG FORM Outline: Preliminary Considerations -Subject Matter and Task -Context of Discussion Specific Ideas and Authors -The Two Ways tradition (Barn, Dctr, Didache; Hermas) -Ethical and Apocalyptic Dualism (ditto) -Didache as a Rule Book -Barnabas as conveyer of knowledge, interpreter of texts -Hermas as angelic apocalypse -Ignatius and mystery, old and new -Clement? -2 Clement? -Polycarp?? -Papias?? -description of Paul, Antichrist, & horoscope materials Appropriating and Adapting Texts -General -Testaments -AscIsa -OdesSol -ParJer -Aseneth Conclusions and Prospects 0. The Subject Matter and Main Tasks This entry intends to focus on the possible relationships between the DSS and their transmitters, on the one hand, and the artificially constructed anthology of early non-NT Christian writings known as the "Apostolic Fathers" on the other. The "Apostolic Fathers" collection represents texts and fragments that were not considered suspect by later classical Christianity and that come from the period before about the middle of the second century. Three otherwise known authors are included: Ignatius of Antioch, Polycarp of Smyrna, and Papias of Hierapolis (fragments). One otherwise unknown but named author or reporter (Hermas) and two anonymous works traditionally associated with known persons (1 Clement, Barnabas) also are in the collection, as well as two other strictly anonymous texts (Didache, 2 Clement). Some collections also include a somewhat later anonymous Christian "apology" entitled "A Disciple (Mathetes) to Diogenes" and an early martyrdom account concerning Polycarp. The main discussion will involve a relatively small subset of this anthology: Barnabas, Didache, and the Shepherd of Hermas. 1. Setting the Stage. Are there literary similarities that might indicate some sort of significant relationship between materials in the DSS and some of the early Christian authors customarily grouped under the heading "Apostolic Fathers"? Clearly, yes, as various studies have shown. Are these similarities sufficiently characteristic of the DSS to suggest a unique relationship (rather than, for example, common influence of a more general type affecting both the DSS and the early Christian authors)? No clear consensus has emerged, but the tendency seems to be to say no, because our growing recognition of the complexity of Judaism in the Greco-Roman period, and also of early Christianity makes it difficult to identify "unique" elements and direct influences. Is it possible that uniquely "DSS" ideas and/or practices had a direct influence on some early Christian sources? Yes, that cannot be ruled out in the present state of our knowledge of the period. But what are the probabilities? How would "things" get from one context (DSS) to the other (early Christian communities and their texts)? By what route or routes would we expect to find the vibrations of a largely turn-of-the-era Semitic Palestinian collection of writings (and the perspectives of their authors and readers) reverberating in the various areas and among the various representatives of early Christianity? We are not without some suggestive clues. Literature that is clearly part of the DSS deposits does turn up in Christian hands -- "unusual" literature relative to what becomes classical Judaism and for that matter, classical Christianity; works such as Jubilees, or Enoch materials, or fragments reflecting the Testaments of the Patriarchs. But the DSS also have lots of "standard" "biblical" works, which clearly were hardly unique to that deposit. Where can we draw the lines between what may have been unique to or characteristic of some group(s) represented in the DSS, and what was simply used by them as it came to be used by early Christians as well. This problem extends to ideas and practices as well as to texts. The assumption that what appear to be foundational community documents among the DSS represent the particular "sectarian" perspectives of a group responsible for storing the DSS is an attractive and perhaps necessary starting point for making such a distinction. But simply because an idea or a practice is attested in 1QS or CD or similarly "sectarian" texts does not mean that it originated there or is unique to that material. Study of the DSS and other ancient evidence seems to be teaching us that the "Jewish context" out of which Christianity emerged was much more flexible and complex than had been suspected. Thus what may have seemed to be a simple task of identifying parallels and tracing influence proves to be virtually impossible. 2. Mapping Some Paths. An earlier generation of scholars left us with a variety of claims and approaches that cry out for reevaluation. One of the most radical, and specific, in relation to the Apostolic Fathers, was the judgment of Jean-Paul Audet, who concluded that the parallels between 1QS and the Shepherd of Hermas were so compelling as to suggest that the author of Hermas probably was the son of a Qumran Jew who had converted to Christianity! Why not? It does help explain the parallels, which thus become direct influences. But it remains provocative fiction, valuable especially to get us thinking about the fuller picture and its complexities. In a more general vein, Jean Danielou collects all the texts and aspects of early Christian thought and action that strike him as particularly, even characteristically "Jewish" (from a DSS influenced perception of early Judaism), and weaves them together into a "Theology of Jewish Christianity," an apocalyptic Jewish substratum that is wider than the DSS as such, but may have been partly transmitted into Christian circles by remnants of the vanquished Essenes. Danielou's book is a goldmine of parallels and possible parallels, but his approach makes it difficult (and rightly so) to pinpoint uniquely "DSS" identifiable influences on early Christianity. Danielou does not object to Audet's little etiological vignette, but it is not clear that Danielou would consider the features on which Audet built his theory to be uniquely Qumranic. If we were to look for unique DSS influences, how should we proceed? Perhaps the most obvious approach would be to explore the evidence offered by Semitic forms of early Christianity, such as resulted in the Syriac traditions, or in other "Jewish Christian" materials to which relatively direct linguistic lines might be drawn (including the mysterious Elkesaites and their Manichaean offshoot). Does the renowned late 2nd century poet Bar Daisan (Bardesanes), whose poetry remains hidden to us (unless, perhaps, the Odes of Solomon offer clues), owe anything to the hymnic traditions we encounter in the DSS? It would be a much easier line to draw from Qumran, or whatever those materials represent, to the "David" of the early Syriac tradition (also known for his "fatalism"!) than to the somewhat clumsy revealee of the Hermas saga. On the non-Semitic language side, we might look for Greek or Coptic or Latin sources that for one reason or another seem to show some special connection with relevant Semitic worlds, either geographically or perhaps by some other aspect of association. We do encounter people and sources from suggestive multicultural settings/situations such as Justin (the Martyr) with his upbringing in Greek Samaria, or Tatian, who connects somehow both with Justin and with the "Assyrian" east. [Hegesippus?] We also encounter non-Semitic sources from the (west) Syrian area, from Ignatius bishop of Antioch through Theophilus of Antioch to the Apostolic Constitutions and the Pseudoclementine materials of a much later period. Throughout its history, this geographical region remains in relatively close proximity to the Semitic linguistic worlds, and thus theoretically at least to greater susceptibility to "DSS type" influences. We also have some knowledge of the extent to which easy mobility in the Mediterranean and adjacent worlds could be a factor that linked the Semitic near east with other areas. Some early Christians are forced to travel, like Ignatius in chains enroute to Rome. Some apparently choose their new venues, like Justin and Tatian and Melito, and probably Hegesippus, not to mention Clement who settles in Alexandria or Hippolytus who probably was a newcomer to Rome. And we encounter certain authors who seem to be situated where the effects of such mobility and cross- fertilization leave a mark, as with a ps-Barnabas, if that compilation derives, as I would still argue, from an eclectic Judaistic school tradition in the shadow of Alexandria, or even a Tertullian, who is most at home in Latin in North Africa and Rome but seems to know things about Judaism that are not common coin. Origen, from Alexandria to Caesarea, is a prime example. We know so little about the circumstances in which Semitic and Greco-Roman Christian (or for that matter, Jewish) worlds came into sufficient contact for their adherents to desire and then produce the sorts of translational and editorial activities that we visualize behind such texts as the Testaments of the Patriarchs, or the Enoch cycle(s), or Jubilees, or Ascension of Isaiah. [Odes of Solomon, Ezra cycle, Jeremiah's "Paralipomena."] Yet such materials found their ways across the various languages and locations and cultures of the early Christian world, leaving occasional traces here and there, and making it clear that there were routes by which texts and ideas and practices that we now associate with the DSS could impact the developing, and the developed, Christian communities. To this point, I've searched for living continuities, between people and groups in direct or indirect contact with each other in various ways including the transmission of literature and traditions without significant interruption. But as our DSS bonanza clearly illustrates, there can also be the factor of ancient "archaeological" discovery and transmission -- what finds of this nature made the headlines in Christian history? According to Eusebius (HE 6.16.2-3), Origen uses unique Greek bible translations found mysteriously at "Nicopolis near Actium" (but Epiph says in Palestine!) and another "at some other such place" and another "in a jar near Jericho" (along with other Greek and Hebrew books, claims ??!). Centuries later, Timotheos of Seleucia writes (in Syriac) about cave discoveries of Hebrew manuscripts around 790 ce near Jericho. How often did such events overcome historical discontinuities to produce a fresh infusion of some revered old materials into the Christian (or Jewish) lifestream? For the most part, we can only speculate. 2. Tracing the Threads. With regard to the surviving early Christian sources themselves, the bulk of scholarly attention continues to be paid to "DSS and NT" type subjects, and not very much has been done in recent years ("the second wave" of DSS scholarship) with possible relationships between DSS and early Christianity apart from NT. Quite possibly this is because for many investigators the NT is imagined as the filter through which virtually all (significant) Christianity developed. If it is not consistent with "NT Christianity," why bother? It is hardly the case that all such extra-NT possible connections have been exhausted by the scholars of the first two decades of DSS investigation. The watershed for such discussion is provided by the impressive research tool published by Herbert Braun in 1966 entitled misleadingly Qumran und das Neue Testament (2 vol; Mohr). Actually, Braun organizes his first volume according to the canonical sequence of the alleged NT parallels, after the pattern of Strack-Billerbeck; but the second volume ranges far beyond the NT proper in sections 10-11 (the early church, the Ebionites and the Pseudoclementines), and then deals with synthetic themes in sections 12-19. Braun tops this all off with a section of individual reviews of the pertinent literature followed by concluding remarks and extensive indices. This is an amazing tour de force that has probably not had the influence it deserves in the non-German reading world (or possibly even there)! To my knowledge, there is nothing comparable in English. Braun sums up his survey of scholarly claims about influences or relationships between the DSS and "Die alte Kirke" (his section 10) as follows: Only a few of the alleged analogies between Qumran and the early church turn out to be valid: dualism, the two ways teaching, the duration of the novitiate, the nightly religious activity of the monastic community and its asceticism, as also the possible derivation of combined citations from collections of citations of the sort that a few 4Q texts exemplify. A questionable relationship between Qumran and the early church has been exposed as based on christology, baptism, eucharist, the church, heirarchical structure, times of prayer, fasting and feasting, concern for the poor, hospitality, and the general manner of citing OT passages (210-211). His treatment of "dualism" is as follows: 1. The sectarian writing represents in its extensive anthropological section (1QS 3.13-4.26) a pronounced dualism. Dualistic passages are also found in the Doctrina of the 12 Apostles 1.1, 6.1; Didache 1.1; Barnabas 18.1; and Shepherd of Hermas Mand 5.1.2+4, 6.1.1+3+4, 6.2.1. The various [modern] autors make reference to this situation and expound on the details. The opposition of light and darkness present in 1QS occurs also in Barnabas (Kuhn Texte, Audet), in the Doctrina (Audet), by implication in Shepherd of Hermas (Audet), but not in the Didache (Kuhn Texte, Audet, Wibbing). The dualism of life and death is only implicitly present in 1QS (Audet). Two angels and spirits who guide and govern humans, as also appear in 1QS, are represented in Barnabas (Audet, Danielou Ursprung), Didache (Danielou Ursprung), Doctrina (Audet) and Shepherd of Hermas (Audet, Kuhn Gethsemane). Audet maintains that the two ways teaching presented by the two angels is more discreet than in 1QS [??]; Audet and Kuhn (Gethsemane) find it significant that spirits and angels are linked/associated in 1QS and also in Shepherd of Hermas, and Danielou (Urspr) sees in the Christian texts the Qumranic angel replaced by Christ. According to Kuhn (Geths), 1QS agrees with Hermas (Mand 3.1; 5.2; Sim 5.7) in presenting a dicotomy in anthroplogy [??]. Finally, the two ways of 1QS is found in Barn (Audet, Cross, Danielou Urspr, Wibbing), Didache (Audet, Wilson, Nauck Jnbr, Robinson, Corss, Danielou Urspr, Wibbing), Doctrina (Audet) and Hermas (Audet). In Didache and Doctrina it is very nuanced, as Audet further notes, stressing the variation of the formulation in particular; in Didache it is undualistic, as Wibbing emphasizes. Between Doctrina and 1QS there are even more details in common: the two spirits and ways exist "on earth" (Audet), there is "enmity" between them (Audet, Wilson), and in this enmity one is able to win the "crown." This dualism of the aforementioned patristic texts is not of an OT sort, but Qumranic (Kuhn Texte). For in 1QS as in Hermas (Mand 4.3.4) the human is valued as weak and endangered by the onslaught of the devil (Kuhn Geths). Above all, Audet emphasizes even further analogies between 1QS and Hermas: ku/rios does not refer to Christ in Hermas, but to God; the holy [[186]] spirit of Hermas is not Christian, but Qumranic, since he can become corrupted. The dualism of the Christian texts is found in 1QS in a more original, more explicit form (Kuhn Geths, Wibbing). The Doctrina is the most closely related of the two ways texts to 1QS (Audet). Qumran influenced the Testaments and the NT up to Hermas (Kuhn Geths). Indeed, thinks Audet, in Hermas even more Qumranic evidences are present which I will treat below (under Christology, Church), and arrives at the theory that the author of Hermas was probably the son of a Qumran Jew, who as such was well acquainted with Qumranic traditions and who then carried out [underwent] the conversion to the church. Dupont-Sommer, Molin, Wilson and Danielou Urspr agree with Audet, Burrows summarizes him; A.P.Davies outdoes him: behind the image of the Shepherd of Hermas stands, before it had been applied to Jesus, perhaps originally the image of the Qumranic righteous teacher. Finally mention should be made of the thesis of Teicher (Church): the eschatological holy spirit in Did 10.5 is a Qumran analogue in its purifying function. Braun proceeds to evaluate these various claims in detail, dismissing all but the "dualism," and the "two ways" ideas as not characteristically Qumranic, or not accurately interpreted in the passages in question. ---[old notes] Exceptions include: Attention to "Jewish Christianity" especially as thought to be evidenced in the "pseudo-Clementine" materials -- see Braun 2 #11 for a detailed survey of the claims. [is this the place to ask about Montanism, with its New Jerusalem and its apocalyptic focus along with stringent ethical ideals and simplicity of polity -- and lack of persecution by "Jews"?] O. Cullmann, "Die neuentdeckten Qumran Texte und das Judenchristentum der Pseudoklementinen," Neutestamentliche Studien fuer Rudolf Bultmann (?? 1951) 35-51 [English version??] J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Qumran Scrolls, the Ebionites and their Literature," ThSt 16 (1955) 335-372. [reprints??] Attention to the widespread "Two Ways" traditions (notably Barnabas, Didache, and Hermas; see also Testaments), also connected to a highly developed angelology (Hermas) and dualistic perspective; Braun 2 #10 has detailed summary of positions (under "dualism"), esp Audet: The OT provides the background for both the qumranic and early Christian 2 ways formulations, and 1QS is not inconceivable as a direct or indirect source for the patristic texts. It seems to me more difficult to accept Audet's thesis that the Shepherd of Hermas is generally qumranic (188) -- Braun then argues that the dualism of these texts is not derived from NT, but probably has some connection with what we find at Qumran. J.-P. Audet, "Affinite/s litte/raries et doctrinales du 'Manuel de Discipline,'" RB 59 (1952) 219-238, RB 60 (1953) 41-82. Rites of initiation in Hippolytus (3 years, baptism, meal, abnegation of Satan, etc.) -- Braun 189ff. Heirarchical structure of Church (Ignatius, etc.) -- Braun 195ff. In noticing possible "ascetic" connections (eg M.Black), little reference was made to extra-NT forms of this perspective, as in someone like Tatian (with his dislike of things "Greek" as well) or the apocryphal acts. Sporadic notice that some of the "pseudepigrapha" that are clearly or probably available only in Christian versions have possible relationships to DSS features (e.g. Odes of Solomon, Ascension of Isaiah, Testaments of the Patriarchs, Sibylline Oracles, Joseph and Aseneth); In discussions of eschatology, some notice of the tradition that would link Jesus to priestly expectations (already in Hebrews, but also elsewhere outside of the NT materials) and Melchizedekian models; Notice of "strange scriptural texts" (or text forms) known to early Christian authors but not found in extant versions of Jewish scripture; also of collections of scriptural excerpts. ---[state of question survey] Daniel J. Harrington, "Wisdom Texts from Qumran and Early Christianity," ch. 10 of his Wisdom Texts from Qumran (Routledge 1996) 87: I regard the Qumran/Essene movement and the Jesus/earliest church movement as independent and parallel phenomena within late Second Temple Judaism. Though John the Baptist may have had ties to the Essenes and some Essenes may have become Christians, I doubt that there was much direct influence from the Essenes (who are never mentioned in the NT) on Jesus and the earliest Christians. the Qumran scrolls are important for the study of early Christianity mainly because they tell us about the language, theological concepts, and organizational structures of a Palestinian Jewish group active from the second century BCE to the first century CE. they provide good parallels; but they are no the sources for the NT. John J. Collins catches the current mood fairly well at the end of his lengthy article on "DSS" in the ABD (Doubleday 1992): Christian scholars have naturally been preoccupied with the relevance of the scrolls for the NT. Sensational attempts to find direct references to Jesus or John the Baptist in the scrolls have not entirely disappeared but have been thoroughly discredited. The significance of the scrolls for the NT is less direct, but more far-reaching. The scrolls attest another Jewish community which, like the early Christians, lived in the belief that the end of days was at hand and that its struggle was with principalities and powers, and which reinterpreted the Scriptures in that context. There were of course great differences between the priestly Teacher and the miracle worker fron Galilee, between the pursuit of purity at Qumran and the Christian mission to the Gentiles. Yet the scrolls have provided a wealth of comparative material which will continue to occupy NT scholars for the forseeable future (Stendahl 1957; Vermes 1981:211-25). Although Collins does not address the question of non-NT early Christian developments, his observations would seem to be applicable there as well. The DSS illuminate the world of ideas and practices from which Christianity developed, but seldom present anything that seems to suggest direct influence. In what follows, I will attempt to survey some of the areas in which some sort of indirect relationship between aspects of the world(s) attested by the DSS and the world(s) of non-NT early Christianity may be suspected. Note: textcritical, cave discoveries, eastern (semitic) Xty. > Yes, the anachronism bothers me. And it depends on which fathers -- if > one goes up to Nicea in Greek and Latin, that might well miss some > interesting possibilities in the Syriac and/or Coptic sources even > later. And what about the unidentified quotations from not overtly > "Christian" sources that pop up more than occasionally in the fathers? > They may not be DSS dependent, but DSS evidence suggests a wider range > of possibilities for them than has often been considered (does the > assignment go as late as the Timotheos letter and its references to cave > discoveries ca 800? What, if any, was their impact?). Which reminds me. > Are we to talk about where Justin got his kaige Minor Prophets text? Or > where Origen got quinta and/or sexta-septa? Are these "foot in the door" > types of evidence? Among the earlier generation of DSS interpreters, Max Wilcox hesitates to see direct influence but is not as clear about how to assess similarities ("Dualism, Gnosticism, and other Elements in the pre-Pauline Tradition," ch 7 in The Scrolls and Christianity, ed Matthew Black (SPCK 1969)): How are we in fact to evaluate the material we have been considering? In the first place we have seen that there is in certain places at least quite strong evidence for some kind of contact between Qumran (or its thought-world) and emergent Christianity. ... The contacts with Qumran thought -- real or apparent -- are much closer in those parts of Paul's writing (and John's too, for that matter) where he is attempting to counter something.... Contact is one thing, dependence is quite another (96). Black himself repeats this theme in his closing essay "The DSS and Christian Origins: Direct dependence ... has nowhere been conclusively demonstrated: what we encounter is a stream of common (mainly OT-inspired) tradition and interpretation -- a common midrashic source -- with, nevertheless, at the same time, yawning chasms of difference and contradiction (106). In various ways, the late Jean Danielou was entranced by the possibility that the newly discovered DSS materials might throw considerable light on the development of early Christianity. In his study of "The Theology of Jewish Christianity," Danielou lists the following suspected connections in his index to "Jewish Christian Writings": Apocalypse of Paul Apoc of Peter Ascension of Isaiah 1 Clement 2 Clement Clementine Homilies Clementine Recognitions Diamartyrion Didache 2 Enoch Ep Barnabas Ep Apostles Gospel of James (Protevangelium) G Nicodemus G Peter G Thomas Ignatius Odes of Solomon Psalms of Thomas Shepherd of Hermas Sibylline Oracles Song of the Pearl Testaments of the Patriarchs Danielou also has index entries for various Apocryphal Acts and for "Fathers of the Church." Starting from the DSS side, to the extent that Danielou could know them in 1958 (French original) or even in 1964 (English edition, revised), his index listings are less frequent: CD 2.19 21 (apocalyptic parallels), 182n (size of angels) 7.17-19 218 (also 4Qtestim, on Nm 24.17 "star" = JM), 222n (Damascus connection of Nm 24.17 etc.) 15.3 148n (the Name, with other DSS refs, = God's power) 19.12 330 (the x sign and Ezekiel text) 20.19 198 ("memorial" book of Mal 3.16f; book of life theme) pHab 7.1-7 366 (eschatological gnosis) Hodayot 3.28-36 229 (judgment by fire, consumes water) 1QS (passim) 57 (two ways, principles, worlds) 120 (annual group meeting and Hermas on community discipline) 141 (2 spirits, angels) 189 (spirit of darkness appointed by God, see ps-Clems) 293 (plant imagery for community, etc.) 322 (rite of renunciation of satan & his works/angels; Hermas) 328 (Hermas and garment-crown symbolism) 340 (prayer 3 times daily; Didache) 342 (evening vigils and eschatol expects) 348 (bishop overseer organization) 358 (two ways again) 365 (gnosis) 370 (ascetical tendencies) 1QM 126n (agency of Michael and ps-Clem refs) 148n (power of the Name) 209n (4 archangels and AscIsa) 219 ("star") There can be little doubt that the background in Jewish apocalyptic and ethical perspectives has influenced early followers of Jesus in various ways. For all of his excesses of interpretation, Danielou's general picture of the survival and influence of various "Jewish" ideas and practices in the early generations of "Christians" and sometimes beyond can hardly be denied. The DSS often stand in parallel with the early Xn evidence, with both source streams calling attention to their common roots. Evidence for some direct line of influence from DSS texts or the implied community/communities behind them to early Xty, however, is difficult to discover. In terms of practice, the development of the bishop-overseer is similar to what we find in the "sectarian" organizational materials, but this by no means demands direct dependence to understand. Ascetic tendencies in some early Christian individuals or groups do not need the DSS for explanation, nor does thrice daily prayer. Such things were doubtless "in the air" in various connections. Possibly more promising are the parallels between Hermas and the sectarian DSS materials on community oaths, the imagery of the spirits/angels, and of the community itself. But even there, the ways in which Hermas introduces and employs these images and concepts do not encourage confidence that there is some direct influence, unmediated by the general flow of ideas in that complex world. Similarly for the two ways material. Clearly this is an idea present in various DSS texts, as in especially Hermas, Barnabas and Didache among the early Xn writings. But well before the discovery of the DSS, or even of the CD texts, the impression that Judaism had developed these basic themes was present, and required no special type of Judaism for its support. That the DSS and the early Xn materials used the 2 ways themes in similar ways is not convincing evidence that one depended on the other. From: "Benjamin G. Wright" I agree with you right down the line. I had, in fact, thought of Justin and Minor Prophets text as another issue--biblical text itself. I was rereading last night Danielou's THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS AND PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANITY. Now there's an example of where just about EVERYTHING, in his opinion, is cleared up by the scrolls--usually in the direction of dependence on/ derivation from the Essenes. I guess that my initial investigations have suggested to me that there are some intriguing hints at places where material or ideas found in the scrolls (or even biblical texts) appear in certain Christian writers/writings. I have a hard time seeing DIRECT dependence here, but some dependence on Jewish tradition of various kinds makes sense. I certainly overstated the textual dependence in my earlier letter. Of course, as you note, Bob there's a huge variety of stuff out there that falls under the rubric "Early Christian Literature" besides the father (however broadly construed). Your suggestions toward the end of your reply to me put in much clearer terms the direction I was thinking about. The one thing that I have yet to find, however, is any firm evidence of awareness on the part of early Christians of the sectarian texts like the War scroll or Serekh Hayahad. Do you know of anything? I'll keep thinking in this direction. > > I have been thinking a great deal about the "Early Christian Literature" > > encyclopedia article. I have several things that I have been looking at > > and I'm experienceing a bit of frustration. While it is true that > > there are a number of issues that are paralleled between early Christian > > lit. (construed broadly) and the Qumran scrolls, much of what one finds > > in the fathers is probably derived from the NT. Things like eshcatological > > speculation, or certain approaches to biblical interpretation are modeled > > on earlier Christian models. There is no evidence that these literatures > > are in any way aware of or dependent on Qumran. That's not really earth > > shattering. One wouldn't expect that anyway, it seems to me. What is > > ultimately the case, it seems to me, is that these approaches/issues, > > like the repeated baptisms of the Kerygmata Petrou, reflect an ultimate > > basis in options present within Second Temple Judaism which both early > > Christians of whatever stripe and the Qumran covenanters each, > > independently, > > chose to exercise. > > Assuming that your statement is generally correct, it would still be > worthwhile to spell it out for those who might be tempted to run wild > with parallelomania, and to illustrate the situation with a few of the > most used examples from less careful modern treatments. That would mean > a relatively brief methodological essay explaining why it is not > appropriate to present a more directly linked data collection. If I had > to select a radical presentation against which to react, perhaps > Danielou's Theology of Jewish Christianity would still fill that bill. > The idea that there is a sort of "atmosphere" in which these themes are > transmitted is perhaps more subtile than something concretely oriented > to primary and secondary use of ("NT" etc.) texts. Probably the more > "sociological" one gets in making assumptions about early Christian > communities (they were still thinking and acting "Jewish" to some > extent), the more difficult it would be to dismiss various phenomena as > textually based in a strict (and traceable) sense. > > I'm not sure how I feel about all this. Probably I would agree with Ben > that it is difficult to identify with any assurance DIRECT links or > influences from DSS type(s) of Judaism to surviving early Christian > materials, but I would be less inclined to take a "derived from NT" > approach unless that is very obvious, and to leave open the question of > non literary (or no longer literary) influences mediated by way of the > jumble of early Jewish and early Christian living (and developing) > groups and attitudes in that first century or so of nearly hidden > "Christian" existence. To say that I can't make a case for direct DSS > influence is not to say that I can't learn something from exploring that > possibility carefully, even if the something I learn has less to do with > what Christianity became and more to do with what its Jewish backgrounds > might have been. Which is not to say that I'd like to try to write such > an essay in the next few weeks! > > > The one place that evidences some "contact" of a sort are the previously > > unknown non-sectarian apocrypha and pseudepigrapha that some fathers > > apparently know. Kister, Bauckham and I have all argued that Pseudo- > > Ezekiel is known. Yiphtah Zur has suggested an interesting parallel > > between Acts of Thomas and 4Q184. So there is some evidence that > > some Christians knew apocryphal texts that were known to the Qumran > > communbity. There is no evidence that any of the sectarian texts were > > known outside of the Qumran group. > > Interesting, and worth saying. The only possible counter evidence that > occurs to me at the moment would come from the "two ways" and related > traditions mentioned below. The Shepherd of Hermas seems to me to > deserve a very close fresh look, with Barnabas and Didache somewhere in > the picture as well. But maybe someone has done Hermas -- I haven't > tried to review the literature yet. > > > Is similarity of approach on some issues ultimately based in the Judaisms > > of the Second Temple period the way to proceed, do you think? My > > inclination > > right now is to have a section outlining some of those issues and > > arguing that they do not depend on Qumran, but that Qumran and early Xty > > have roots in similar approaches to Judaism that later Christians then use > > and > > develop in their own ways. This section might pick up some of the > > suggestions we discussed a while ago, i.e. messianism, attitudes to > > cult, biblical interpretation, eschatology, purity issues. > > Yes, I think this is worth doing. And very carefully, given the current > wave of iconoclasm with respect to various aspects of DSS study. Such a > survey might even contribute to the DSS discussion about whether the > fragments represent a variety of Judaisms in the period, or how it might > be possible to determine that! I don't have high hopes, but playing with > various genealogical models might be useful. > > > In a message to me George said that what he was interested in was whether > > there are things that feature in the fathers APART from the NT. I think > > that's what's making me antsy. My looking around has come up suggested > > that most of the "orthodox" father (used broadly) are mostly dependent > > on the NT in some way (even though as I write that it sounds > > anachronistic). > > Yes, the anachronism bothers me. And it depends on which fathers -- if > one goes up to Nicea in Greek and Latin, that might well miss some > interesting possibilities in the Syriac and/or Coptic sources even > later. And what about the unidentified quotations from not overtly > "Christian" sources that pop up more than occasionally in the fathers? > They may not be DSS dependent, but DSS evidence suggests a wider range > of possibilities for them than has often been considered (does the > assignment go as late as the Timotheos letter and its references to cave > discoveries ca 800? What, if any, was their impact?). Which reminds me. > Are we to talk about where Justin got his kaige Minor Prophets text? Or > where Origen got quinta and/or sexta-septa? Are these "foot in the door" > types of evidence? > > > Another section would talk about the initial > > investigations that suggest that church fathers sometimes knew works that > > were uncovered at Qumran. Pseudo-Ezekiel obviously would be central to > > such a discussion. > > > > ANy suggestions/feedback? I'm feeling a bit shaky about all of this > > at the moment. We would then need to see what your approach would be to > > the Apostolic Fathers, especially issues like the two ways stuff in > > Didache and Barnabas, etc. > > > > Best, > > Ben > > I'd like to check out some things in Hermas (or first, in recent studies > of Hermas, perhaps). The two ways stuff is probably too general to > provide hope for DIRECT relationships, by itself, although the > concretely angelic and apocalyptic brief framework that Barnabas > provides is probably worth another look. Otherwise, I'd tend to look at > claims that have been made, and check them out. > > Summary? There are various types of "Christian" materials worth > exploring (I assume that "NT" is excluded) -- > -acquisition of "odd" texts of Jewish scriptures and related materials > (e.g. Justin, Origen, unidentified quotations -- see Resch, etc.); > -appropriation and reworking of apparently Jewish texts such as > Paraleipomena Jeremiou, Ascension of Isaiah, Testaments, Enoch cycle, > Daniel cycle, Ezekiel cycle, etc.; > -reflection of ideas that have their best extant Jewish parallels in DSS > materials, such as "two ways" approaches; > -similar practices that might suggest some relationship (I'm not getting > any flashes of brilliance here; how about an angelic liturgy somewhere > in the early Christian stew? rules for exclusion from community beyond > what Didache has? early monastic rules such as Pachomian?) > > The more I think about it, the more the assignment expands. Help, George > -- you know what else has been or is being done in the larger project. > What is it that we ought to be thinking about in that context? > > Bob Date: Mon, 30 Sep 1996 11:32:43 -0400 From: "Benjamin G. Wright" To: kraft@ccat.sas.upenn.edu Subject: Re: DSS Project Reply Bob, As I have continued thinking about this article, I have made some notes and tried to get some preliminary categories together for the article. I have appended them below for your perusal. Any suggestions? Am I overlapping with things you wanted to do? I am gradually beginning to firm up some thinking on these things. I may actually begin to write some sections leaving others for later. On the methodology issue I thought I would briefly address the parallel=identity problem. This is clearly a difficulty for Danielou. If it looks like it it must BE it. That might set up the discussions of the various issues. On another front. I spoke with Ann Matter over the weekend. She sounds in good spirits. It was good to talk about things with her. Best, Ben Early Christian Literature Bibliography and Notes 1. Methodological Problems - Parallelomania 2. Biblical Text Justin has a long citation of Micah 4.3-7 that is in agreemnt in many cases with R. Several other citations of Minor Prophets seems to suggest R (Barth. 203ff.). Barthelemy agrues (210) that the textual tradition of Justin has in some places been harmonized with the Septuagint thus masking his use of R. Barthelemy also concludes that the Quinta text of Origen for the Minor Prophets is R (221). Biblio: Barthelemy, Dominique. Les Devanciers D'Aquila. Leiden: Brill, 1963. Kraft, Robert. Review of Barthelemy. Gnomon 37 (1965) 474-483. Tov, Emanuel The Greek Minor Prophets Scroll from Nahal Hever. DJD 8. Oxford, 198?. The major issue here is the familiarity of Justin witht the so-called R text of the Minor Prophets which is the text of the Nahal Hever scroll. Origen and his biblical texts?? 3. Biblical Uses and Interpretation 4. Appropriation and reworking of apparently Jewish texts In my mind this includes awareness on the part of early Christians of (1) texts that were unknown before the DSS discoveries and (2) the suggestion (made in my SBL paper) that some of the unattributed or otherwise unidentified quotations in the fathers might originate in Jewsh Apocrypha know to the Dead Sea community. 5. Ideas and practices that have their "best" extant Jewish parallels in DSS a. Jewish Christianity Biblio: DaniŽlou, Jean. The Dead Sea Scrolls and Primitive Christianity. Baltimore: Helicon, 1958. DaniŽlou, Jean. The Theology of Jewish Christianity. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1964. Fitzmyer, Joseph, "The Qumran Scrolls. the Ebionites and their literature." In Essays on the Semitic Background of the NEw Testament. Missoula: Scholars, 1974. Fujita, Neil S. A Crack in the Jar: What Ancient Jewish Documents Tell Us about the New Testament. New York: Paulist, 1986. Texts and Notes: Kerygmata Petrou - (see Segal in Hata-Attridge, 339) baptism is not only for spiritual regeneration, but should be used for purity (KP = H xi.27, 30). Here it is connected with purity after sexual intercourse. Segal notes the continuity in this way with Essenes, Therapeutae, Dead Sea community, John the Baptist. Segal (347) notes attitude toward Temple of Jewish Christianity is also represented in the Jesus movement, Samaritans, Dead Sea group. The attitudes, however, even though negative, seem to me to be pretty divergent. Fitzmyer (relying on the Pseudo-Clementines) notes similarities and differences from Qumran material, primarily 1QS and CDC. He talks about baptism, teacher of rightousness, dualism, baptism, communal meal as similarities. 6. Scholarly claims re DSS and Early Xty add++ Ben Wright's finished article //end//