RAKraft Publications 68.2 [title page]] SOME UNCATALOGUED PAPYRI OF THEOLOGICAL AND OTHER INTEREST IN THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY BY ROBERT A. KRAFT, M.A., PH.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF RELIGIOUS THROUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA AND ANTONIA TRIPOLITIS, M.S. ASSISTANT DEAN IN THE COLLEGE FOR WOMEN, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA Reprinted from the "Bulletin of the John Rylands Library," Vol 51, No. 1, Autumn, 1968 {@@copyright symbol} The John Rylands Library 1968 THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY, MANCHESTER, 3 MCMLXVIII [[p.137]] SOME UNCATALOGUED PAPYRI OF THEOLOGICAL AND OTHER INTEREST IN THE JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY BY ROBERT A. KRAFT, M.A., Ph.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF RELIGIOUS THOUGHT IN THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA and ANTONIA TRIPOLITIS, M.S. ASSISTANT DEAN IN THE COLLEGE FOR WOMEN, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA It was in the early part of 1963, as I was finishing my final year as Assistant Lecturer in New Testament Studies at the University of Manchester, that my attention was drawn to the uncatalogued Greek papyri in the John Rylands Library. Together with my fellow countryman, the Rev. J. Julius Scott, I made an examination of this collection, concentrating on those items in uncial script and those which had possible interest for students of ancient literature in general and literature of the Judeo-Christian religious tradition in particular. In the entire collection, which I would estimate contains well over one thousand pieces (exclusive of mere scraps), we found only one fragment which clearly comes from a codex and very few others that could be said to have been written in a literary hand. The bulk of the collection consists of non-literary, mostly Byzantine, materials (letters, lists, deeds, contracts, petitions, etc.). Following th examination, certain items were photographed for us by the Library, and these photographs together with my notes on a few of the pieces which have a potential interest for students of religion have formed the bass of the present study. Miss Tripolitis, who became interested in these materials in the course of her work at the University of Pennsylvania, has been concerned primarily with deciphering and editing the non-theological texts ann the dating formula, while I have expended relatively more effort on the theologically relevant pieces, as well as adding the final editorial touches. It is our hope that this sampling of the uncatalogued Rylands collection may encourage others to examine it, for it should be emphasized the the pieces [[p.138]] edited below are not necessarily its best representatives, either in terms of state of preservation or of date and content. We should like to take this opportunity of thanking for their helpful suggestions Mr. C.H. Roberts (Oxford University Press), Press), Mr. T.C. Skeat (British Museum), Professor G. Zuntz and Mr. J.H. Harrop (University of Manchester), Dr. John Rea (Oxfod University), and Mr. John Shelton (Stanford University). Nevertheless, we must assume full responsibility for the way in which their observations have been incorporated into the finished product. More than a word o thanks also is due to Dr. F. Taylor, Keeper of Manuscripts at the John Rylands Library, and to his staff, for assistance and encouragement. No indications have been preserved as to the circumstances of discovery or the particular location in Egypt from which any of the following papyri come. In the index below I have noted where each piece is to be found inthe collection of "Rylands Papyri: Greek, Additional," according to the number of the large Box (Roman numerals), the sub-grouping of folders (if any) within each Box, and the designation of the particular folder (by letter or number) or piece (only in Box I, by number) within the sub-group:

I. Papyri with Theological Interest Box: sub-gr:folder no. 1. Psalm 19.7-8 (20.6-7) 3rd-5th cent. III: 1: N 2. Prayer-Amulet (?) 6th cent. I: -: no. 11 3. Dating formula 608 C.E.(?) V: 14: 3

II. Miscellaneous Non-Literary Samples 4. Heraklas to Horos turn of era VI: -: 2 5. Besarion to Dionysios 3rd-4th cent. III: 1: Y 6. Letter about a purchase 3rd cent. II: 7: K 7. Voucher 3rd. cent. III: 1: g 8. Double alphabet 7th cent. IV: 10: B

1. PSALM 19.7-8 LXX (=20.6-7) 4x7 cm. 3rd-5th cent. This is the only strictly biblical piece to be identified in the entire collection. It does not come from a codex. There is an almost illegible, single line of cursive writing onth reverse side [[p.139]] of the fragment, but it is apparently by a different hand and of later date. Both the Psalm and the line on the reverse are written along the fibres of the papyrus. In quality , the papyrus itself is rather rough and thick. The ink appears to be very dark brown or black. The Psalm is written stichometrically in a "rather formless uncial without any pronounced characteristics," which might conceivably date from the third century or even earlier, but which more probably comes from the fourth or even fifth century.\1/ There are no obvious ligatures,although it appears that in line 5 an original OUTW has been corrected to OUTOI, thus giving the impression of a ligatured OI. Similarly, in line 4 the letter I has been corrected to an C. There is no punctuation or word division. ----- [[p.139]] \1/ This is the judgement of T.C. Skeat, based on the photostat and communicated by letter in April 1963. C. H. Roberts' independent judgement based on actual handling of the fragment also tended towards a fourth-century date, at earliest. ===== For purposes of Greek Old Testament textual criticism, the scrap is insignificant (see the ntes). It has been collated with the materials in the Go%ttingen editionf Psalms (ed. A. Rahlfs, 1931), the shorter Cambridge Septuagint (ed. H.B. Swete, 1907), and the greater Oxfod edition of Holmes and Parsons (vol. 3, 18230. The common orthographical confusions of E: AI and I: @@EI occur (lines 3-4). In lines 1 and 6, some difficulties arise when one attempts to fill the lacunae: since the maximum length of lines 3-5 seems to be 34 letters, and since the final word (AGTON of the stichos beginning on line 1 is carried over to line 2, we would expect line 1 to contain at least thirty-three to thirty-four letters. It would, in fact, have thirty-three letters if the words KGRIOC and KRICTON were spelled out in full. Nevertheless, in a fouth/fifth century Christian text, it would be very unusual not to find these nomina sacra abbreviated to K-C- and X-N- (X-P-N- respectively.\2/ Similarly, in line 6 we would expect to find KYRIOC QEOG abbreviated to if the usual Greek text is follwed there. Such abbreviationi line 6 would, in fact, provide th expected thirty-three letters. Thus we are facted wih several possibilities: (1) the normal Greek text and the [[p.140]] expected Christian abbreviations occurred in both places, but the writing in line 1 was much more spread out than elsewhere, and contained only twenty-four ltters; (2) the abbreviations occured in neither line, and line 6 was slightly longer than normal or was divided differently from the transcription given herein; (3) the abbreviations were used in line 6 but not in line 1; (4) the text of @@lines 1 and/or of {@@RAK-- Should "lines" be "line?" es} line 6 differed slightly from the normal Greek Psalm text. it would also be possible to argue that the fragment comes from a Jewish, and not a Christian, roll in which the tetragrammaton in line 1 (and 6, if QEO/S were lacking) was spelled out either in Greek (PIPI) or in Hebrew (HHHH) characters,\3/ but the only tangible support for such a hypothesis is the fact that the papyrus is not from a codex, and may be third century or earlier. ----- \2/See L. Traube, Nomina sacra (1907), and more recently, A. H. R. E. Paap, Nomina Sacra in the Greek Papyri of the First Five Centuries A.D. (1959). [[p.140]] \3/Compare P.Ox. 656 of Genesis (2nd/3rd cent.; Rahlfs' no. 905, U@@/4\ in Brooke-McLean), where the original copyist left a blank where {@@RAK-- I used the notation "/xx\" to indicate subscript type. es} the tetragrammaton occurred (because his archetype had it in Hebrew letters ?), but a later hand supplied the proper form of KU/RIOS (unabbreviated !) in three of the four spaces; QEO/S is also unabbreviated in this fragment. For the tetragrammaton in Hebrew characters, see P. Fouad 266 of Deuteronomy (2nd/1st cent. B.C.E.), published in part by W. B. Waddell in Journal of Theological Studies, xlv (1944), 158-61; photo-facsimiles of additional fragments from this manuscript have appeared more recently in the New World Translation of the Christian Greek Scriptures (1950), pp. 13 f. See also the note by A. Vaccari in Studia Patristica, I (Texte und Untersuchungen, lxiii (1957), @@339-42) and the transcriptions made {@@RAK-- Please note that I inserted a space before "339-42." es} by W. Baars in Ned. Th. Ts., xiii (1958/59), 442-6. The tetragrammaton also is found in archaic Hebrew letters in fragments of Aquila's version and in the Greek Minor Prophets Scroll (1st cent., probably " quinta ") published by D. Barthe/lemy, Les devanciers d'Aquila ... (Suppl. to Vetus Testamentum, x. 1963). See also P.Ox 1007 of Genesis (3rd cent.; Rahlfs' no. 907), in which the tetragrammaton is represented by a double yod bisected by a horizontal line (@@ZZ), and one of the Qumran Greek fragments (4Q Lev\b/, {@@RAK-- I used "ZZ" to indicate 2 "Z"'s with horizontal lines drawn through them. es} 1st cent. B.C.E.; described by P.W. Skehan, Volume du Congre\s [Suppl. to Vet. Test., iv. 1957], p. 157), in @@which it is {@@RAK-- Is there a quote mark in the text or is this a mark? es} represented by the Greek letters IAW. ===== It is not impossible that the fragment comes from a Jewish, or a Christian, Psalm scroll (containing part or all of the canonical Psalms). more probably, however, i represents an independent page on which the Psalm (or more than one Psalm( was written (for liturgical purposes ?), or perhaps is a piece of an amulet.\4/ [[p.141]]the relative coarseness of the papyrus does not suggest an extensive roll. A rough idea of the variety of ways in which Psalm passages have been used in the third to seventh centuries may be obtained from an examination of the fragments from the Vienna collection published by P. Sanz;\5/ his numbers 5, 11, (18), 19, 20, and 23 represent amulets; number 14 seems to have been used liturgically (in private worship ?); and number 24 employs a Psalm in what seems to be a school exercise. The stichometric arrangement used in our papyrus can easily be paralleled in other biblical papyri (not only from Psalms), although most of the other examples come from codices, not from rolls or individual sheets or amulets (of course, the quantity of codex fragments available for comparison is far greater!). @@P. Ox 2386 (4th cent., Rahlfs' no. 2070) is a Psalm roll in {@@RAK note: cf 2013 4\th/ @@c roll} whcih the text is not arranged stichometrically, but each new stichos is clearly marked by a sign in the continuous text. The Vienna collection mentioned above includes an amulet written stichometrically on both sides of a parchment leaf (P. Gr. Vind. 3080, 6th cent.). But the closest parallel I have yet found to our papyrus is P. Lit. Lond. 207 (3rd/4th cent.), which is a page on which Psalms 11-14 are written in two columns.\6/ A later hand has used the verso to write out what appear to be reading lessons, and it may be that the Psalm portion also was used for this purpose -- the syllables of Psalms xi-xiii are marked out with supralinear dots. In any event, the Psalms are written as in the present fragment, stichometrically with the final word or words from excessively long lines indented on the following line. But the Rylands fragment clearly was not written by the same hand as P. Lit. Lond. 207, and there is no reason to suppose that it was not primarily intended for religious use. ----- \4/ T.C. Skeat, in the aforementioned letter (cf. n. 1, p. 139), suspects an amulet. On the use of Psalms in amulets, see P. Collart, " Psaumes et Amulettes ", Aegyptus, xiv (1934), 463-7, and the literature cited by C. Pre/aux in Chronique d'Eypte, x (1935), 364, n. 6. No examples are given of the use of Psalm xix in an amulet. \5/ Griechische literarische Papyri christlichen Inhaltes, I (1946), Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der nationalbibliothak in Wien (P. Erzherzog Rainer), nos. 5-24. \6/ " An Early Papyrus Fragment of the Greek Psalter " (unsigned), The Athenaeum (London; 8 September 1894), pp. 319-21. Milne's Catalogue of the London Literary Papyri (1927) refers back to the original publication, which included a reproduction. Despite the fact that the Psalms are written only on one side of the papyrus, the original editor argued that the page probably came from a codes of reading lessons. ===== [[p.142]] 1 (19:7) N@@*[u=]N* E*E*N*W*N*[ O(/TI E)/SWSEN KU/RIOS {@@RAK-- 1. I use the "*" to indicate a small circle drawn below a letter. I typed this symbol after the letter to which it is applied. 2. I think that the accent mark that looks like a "^" is a circumflex accent. I typed it as such. es} TO\N XRISTE\N 2 AG[TOU= 3 EPAKOGCETE AGTOG E[ C OU)RANOU= A(GI/OU AU)TOU= 4 @@E.>N DYNACTIEC H CAT[ HRI/A TH=s DECIA=S AU)TOU= {@@RAK-- I used the "." to indicate a dot drawn below a letter. I typed this symbol after the latter to which it is applied. es} 5 (19:8) OU(=] T.OI E.N. ARMACIN KA[ I\ OU(=TOI E)N I(/PPOIS 6 H(MEI=S D] E. EN ONOMAT.[ I QEOU= H(MW=N MEGALUNQH- ]COM[ EQA 1. Only the very lowest extremities of these letters appear and none is well enough preserved to identify with complete confidence. Arguing from the expected line length, however, it seems unlikely that either KU/RIOS or XRISTO/N were abbreviated (see above). But note that Holmes-Parsons MSS. 206, 278, 283, 293, read K(U/RIO)S TO\N XRHSTO/N. 3. Read E)PAKOU/SETAI. 4. Read DUNASTEI/AIS (the final C is written over an I): B\*/ has DUNASTI/AIS. 5. OU(=TOI seems to have been corrected from OYTW, probably by the original hand. For A(/RMASIN R has A)/SMASIN. 6-7. It is not possible to determine precisely where the stichos was divided, although the fact that the COM of line 7 is almost exactly below the AG of line 2 suggests that nothing preceded the COM (but the text is broken). If the above division is correct, there does not seem to be room for the normal LXX wording spelled out in full: H(MEI=S DE\ E)N O)NO/MATI KURI/OU QEOU= H(MW=N MEGALUNQHSO/MEQA. Thus, in the reconstruction KURI/OU has been omitted in agreement wih A\*/, Holmes-Parsons MSS. 184, 188 (cf. 185), Cyprian (part; apud Rahlfs) and Origen (apud Holmes-Parsons) -- cf. Ps. xix. 6. Alternatively, an abbreviated K-U- Q-U- might be read (but cf. line a), or simply KURI/OU (cf. Holmes-Parsons 278 and Psalt. Syr.). Line 6 could be shortened by either of the following variants to MEGALUNQHSO/MEQA: S\*/ (Aug) has A)GALLIASO/MEQA (cf. xix. 6); S\c/ and many "Lucianic" witnesses have E)PIKALESO/MEQA.

2. PRAYER-AMULET (?) 13.7 by 9.2 cm. 6th cent.\7/ ----- \7/This dating is supported by C. H. Roberts. ===== The beginnings of twelve (13) lines from the lower left hand portion of a small roll are preserved in hi fragment. The initial letters of each new section of th text (lines 1,5,8, 11) is exaggerated and set out into the left margin. This margin also contains other markings further to the left. The text is written in black ink in a bold, sloping unical with frequent ligatures (especially between T and the @@succeeding letter; also AP and AI[?]). In line 3, the shorthand K = KAI/ is possible (but see below), and the usual abbreviations for QEO/S and PNEU=MA occur in line 12. The orthoraphy leaves much to be desire if the [[p.143]] text has been edited correctly in lines 2, 3, 7, and 12.\8/ There is no evidence of punctuation or of word division, although a mysterious heavy black dot appears over some of the lltters in lines 6-9 and inside the C of Q-C- in line 12; this mark does not seem to indicate corrections. ----- [[p.143]] \8/ This recalls the remark of P. Collart in Aegyptus, xiii (1933), 209: " Les amulettes ou\ se lisent des Psaumes ont un trait commun, qui est une orthographe abominable." ===== The text is written across the fibres of the papyrus, but there is no clear evidence that the reverse side of the piece had ever contained any extensive writing. Traces of ink do appear on the reverse, but close examination reveals that they are mostly "mirror writing" that has been transferred by blotting from the text of the papyrus itself under the combined influence of moisture and pressure on the rolled up or folded page. The same process also has produced "mirror writing" in the lower margin of the fragment, giving the impression that there are two more lines after line 13. In fact, however, these blots on both sides of the papyrus -- blots which can be deciphered, to some degree, with the help of a mirror -- show clearly that line 13 was the final line in the column, and that the papyrus had been rolled up or folded from the bottom. It is no longer possible to determine how many lines originally preceded the preserved text. Possibly the reverse side once contained some brief indication of the roll's contents, but the few remaining markings there (other than the "mirror writing") are extremely difficult to decipher.\9/ ----- \9/ The following traces of writing appear at the bottom of the inverted reverse side (i.e.{@@,?} upside down to and opposite lines 1-4), written along the fibres, in three lines: Q (with a heavy dot over it)/] @@S^ O^ U^ N/]. S I^ N (with a horizontal stroke {@@RAK-- Please note that I used the same notation for the footnotes as for the entire article: "^" = dot under letter "*" = circle under letter} below the N). ===== The original purpose of this little roll is not immediately obvious. That it was not part of a larger work (a liturgy or liturgical handbook) is obvious from the way in which the page had been rolled up as well as from the non-literary character of the writing. The personal emphases in the conext of petition ("wash me ... cleanse me ... make me hear ...," etc.) suggest an amulet\10/ or a prayer used in personal worship -- private [[p.144]] liturgy, so to speak. Considering the way in which the text is divided into stanzas, a hymn would no be entirely out of the question -- perhaps the heavy black dots referred to above can be explained in his context, although they do not seem to follow a consistent pattern. If the text ever had an "official" role in Christian worship, it might have been as one of the private prayers which the priest would offer up for himself in hh sanctuary before praying publicly for the entire congregation, or in connection with the administration of the sacraments, or the evening prayers for forgiveness.\11/ Whether a priest would be likely to have such prayers written out eparately in this manner, must be left for those more familiar with early Byzantine liturgy to decide. Most probably the fragment comes from a personal prayer-amulet. ----- \10/On the use of Psalms in amulets, see the literature cited above in n. 2, p. 140. Psalm I does not occur in Collart's examples. [[p.144]] \11/ On such private prayers of the celebrant, in the larger context of the formal liturgy, see G. Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (1945\2/), p. 482. Examples in which Psalm 1 plays a role may be found in F. E. Brightman, Liturgies, I (1896), 5 (petition for the people in the " Liturgy of St. Clement ") and 145 = 202 (prayer of the priest, for himself, in the " Liturgy of the Coptic Jacobites "). For another example of a private priestly prayer during the liturgy, see The Ante-Nicene Fathers, vii (American edition by A. C. Coxe, 1886), 563 (" Liturgy of the Blessed Apostles "). According to A. G. Martimort, et al., L'E/glise en Prie\re: Introduction a\ la Liturgie (1961), Psalm 1 is used in the Byzantine ritual (182, n. 2), and is one of the Psalms designated for use at matins (802). It also had a place in the " Service of Terce " in the Christian-Palestinian Syrian Horologion edited by M. Black (1954), p. 77 (= 32 b). ===== The main portion of the preserved text (lines 5ff) contains a quotation from the old Greek version of Psalm @@I. 10-12 (Heb., Ii. 8-10(. Lines 3-4 also are stongly reminiscent of parts of that Psalm, especially verses 4 and 9, but are not in verbatim agreement with any known text form of the Psalm: Ps. 1. 4 E)PI\ PLEI=ON PLU=NO/N ME A)PO\ TH=S A)NOMI/AS MOU KAI\ A)PO\ TH=S A(MARTI/AS MOU KAQA/RISO/N ME. Ps. 1. 9 R(ANTIEI(S ME U(SSW/PW| KAI\ KAQARISQH/SOMAI PLUNEI=S ME KAI\ U(PE\R XIO/NA LEUKANQH/SOMAI. There also existed in upper Egypt as early as the fourth century a strange Christian form of the latter passage which read:\12/ ----- \12/ See Rahlf's edition of the Greek Psalms, @@ad loc., and Rahlfs, {@@RAK-- Is "ad loc." latin text? It is not in italics nor underlined. es} " Der Text des Septuaginta Psalters ", Septuaginta-Studien ii (1907), pp. 157, 200, 246. The reading is attested by the fragmentary fourth-century Leipzig Papyrus 39 (= [[p.145]] Rahlfs' 2013), by a twelfth-century manuscript of excerpts from the Psalms (B. M. Oriental 5465 = Rahlfs' 1093), and by the Sahidic version. It is also found in a fourth-centurfy manuscript of the Achmimic version of 1 Clement xviii.7 (see C. Schmidt, "Der erste Clemensbrief in altkoptischer U%bersetzung, " Texte und Untersuchungen, xxxii. 1 [1908], ad loc.), while the first line (at least) was known to the Nestorian Timotheus I (c. 800 C.E.) in Syrian (see Oriens Christianus, i [1900] 306 f.). ===== [[Plate I. Contains No. 1, No. 2 and No. 3]] [[Plate II. Contains No. 7, No. 4 and No. 8]] [[p.145]] R(ANTIEI=S ME U9SSW/PW| A)PO\ TOU= AI(/MATOS TOU= CU/LOU KAI\ KAQARISQH/SOMAI PLUNEI=S Me E)C AU)TOU= KAI\ U(PER XIO/NA LEUKANQH/SOMAI. It is stiking that this variant form has some close phonetic similarities to certain enigmatic portions of lines 2-3 of the fragment. If we assume that the relatively unlettered transcriber of the fragment was vaguely familiar with the phraseology of Psalm 1.9 in this upper Egyptian form, it would not be a difficult move for him to turn TOU= CU/LO| (or TW=| CU/LW| ?) into his doxological (?) DWEWAE .... In line 3, he seems to have been at a loss to know what to do with the IE (from E)C AU)TOU= ?) -- there is some possibility that he paused after writing it. Furthermore, on his hypothesis it is possible to fill out line 1, with due attention to the few strokes which remain and to the expected line length, as ollows (correcting the confusion in line 2): 1 ]R[an]T.[LEI=S ME U(SSW/PW| A)PO\ TOU= AI(/MA- 2 TOS TOU= CU/LOU[ .... Lines 3-4 can be filled out in a number of ways, although the IE (?) is easiest to deal with if it is read as a shorthand KAI/ (see the nooes, below)@@, {@@RAK-- Should the "," be a ".?" Thank you. es} The Psalm quotation proper is introduced by th marginal symbol +, and the same symbol, with a more elongated horizontal stroke to the right, seems to stand at the conclusion of the roll. The first occurrence may represent the word YALMO/S, or may simply be the mark which frequently appears in papyri for various purposes (for a paragraph sign, to indicate the beginning and end of material of diverse nature or by a different hand, etc.). Notice, for example, the table of lections (6th/7th cent.), published by H.J.M. Milne,\13/ in which the cross mark is used to [[p.146]] indicate a new paragraph in line 1, while the abbreviation + (ALMO/S occurs on hh very nnxt line and frequently throughout the text. In addition to this marginal + at line 4, our fragment contains markings inth far left margin besie the large initial letters of lines 8 and 11. They may be intended as numbers, but if so, they make little sense for the present form of the text. ----- \13/ " EArly Psalms and Lections for Lent ", Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, x (1924), 278-82. This piece also is described in Milne's 1927 catalogue of London literary papyri, no. 234. The use of the cross sign in amulets also is common, along with the sign +. ===== At several places the Psalm quotation is at variance with the majority of Greek Psalm manuscripts as listed in the editions of Rahls, Swete, and Holmes-Parsons (see p. 139 above). In line 6 EU)FROSU/NH@@. is probable, in agreement with three cursives listed in Holmes-Parsons. Clearly something is amiss in line 7, although the solution i not immediately apparent. In line 12 the omission of KAI/ before PNEU=MA is unattested in the extant Greek Psalm tradition, as are the final wods of the roll in line 13. 1 ]* [ ]* [ 2 ] TOC AW.E.G.AW[ ]*[ 3 ] PAENIEC. ME IE [ 4 ] +{@@Large plus symbol} KAQA.I.C.[o]N M[E 5 ] #{@@Large paragraph symbol} KOGTIE[is] M.E.[ A)GALLI/ASIN KAI\ EU)- @@: {@@RAK-- There is a dot in the middle of this line. Is this midpoint punctuation. } 6 ] FROCG.NH AG.A.[ LLIA/SONTAI O)STA= @@: @@: {@@RAK-- Are the dots in the previous line midpoint punctuation? es} 7 ] O T H TAPINOG.*[ 8 ] @@IZ{@@Large letters} P O C T R E Y O N[ TO\ PRO/SWPO/N SOU @@: 9 ] APO TW.N AM.[ARTIW=N MOU KAI\ PAS- 10 ] AC TAC ANO.[MI/AS MOU E)CA/LEIYON [[p.147]] 11 ] @@Q{@@Large script letter} @@K{@@Large script letter} A P D. I A N K A Q.@@A.[ {@@RAK-- Is there a space before the "A?" es} RA\N KTI/SON E)N E)MOI/ 12 ] O Q-C- P-N_A- **E@@.{@@.?}M.*[ 13 ] O@@.N ME @@--/------[ {@@RAK-- 1. Is the dot beneath the "N?" 2. A horizontal line with a vertical line through it is in the text. I tried to draw this with the keyboard. es} 1. The left margin preserves part of a vertical strok,e probably from another enlarged latter like hose beginning lines, 5, 8, and 11 (or possibly another cross -- see lines 4/5 and 13 -- or similar sign). The third or fourth letter from the margin is almost legible and seems to have been @@A{@@A?} or A or T. (For a possible reconstruction, see above.) 2. The sprawling lltter Q is relatively sure, and seems to be follwed by G. What comes immediately before it is not so clear -- probably W but possibly O. On the far right, well below the line, is the lower portion of a vertical stroke which hooks roundly to the left; no obvious explanation has suggested itself, unless it is another Q. Possibly the transcriber of the fragment intended to write some form of the root DOCOL?GEI=N here -- {@@RAK-- The letter that I could not read looks like a "c." Is in an "o.?" es} DOCOLOGOU=MAI, DOCOLOGO/NTOS, DOCOLOGI/A? The letter D is quite positive, although he may have meant it as a TT (see above, TOU= CU/LOU). 3. Probably read PLUNEI=S ME. The letter or tters that follow might possibly designate an abbreviated KAI/ (K@@), but the form is not very similar to other {@@RAk-- Is there an accent mark after the "K?" es} occurences of K in the fragment; more probably they are the letters IE (= E)C ?). Before th fragment breaks at the end of his line, there is an empty space the width of a letter followed by a slight trace of ink at the break. This suggest that the line continued, as suggested above (E)C AU)TOU=) or perhaps with the woods A)NOMI/AS MOU (Ps. 1. 4); if in fact an abbreviated KAI/ was intended, the line might have read PLUNEI=S ME KAI\ LEUKANQH/SOMAI (Cf. Ps. 1. 9b). 4. KAQAICON seems to have been miswritten for KAQA/RISON. Perhaps the line originally read, to complete the couplet, KAQA/RISO/N ME A)PO\ TH=S A(MARTI/AS MON (cf. Ps. 1. 4b). 5. In the far left margin between lines 4 and 5 occurs the cross sign which is discussed above. Then comes an enlargedA which extends into the margin by the width of three to four average letters. The most significant variations to Greek OT texts of this line are: MOI for ME in several "Lucianic" MSS.{@@.?} and the corrector of Hesychius' commentary (cf. Rahlfs): A)GALLIASE/WS in Rahlfs' MS. 2013. 6. It is improbable that any letter was written between EU(FROSU/NH| and A(GA-, although the papyrus is badly torn here. There is hardly room for -HN, but -HI (or perhaps -HC) is barely possible. A heavy black dot has been written above the H. Most Greek OT MSS. read EU)FROSU/NHN here, although -HS is found in Rahlfs' 2013, and -H in three cursives in Holmes-Parsons.{@@.?} A(GALLIA/SETAI is read by a few "Lucianic" MSS. and the Hesychius corrector, and KAI/ is placed after EU(FROSU/NHN in six Holmes-Parsons cursives (cf. also Augustine and the Vulgate). The spelling O(STE/A occurs in some witnesses. 7. The first nine letters are clear, wih black dots over the TH. The tenth [[p.148]] letter almost certainly is Y (but possibly W); it cannot be M or N. Most Greek OT MSS. here have TETAPEINWME/NA (modifying O)STA=), but a few "Lucianic" MSS. and the Hesychius corrector have TETAPEINWME/NWN It is not clear what the transcriber of the fragment intended: possibly he had run the words O(STA= and TETAPEIN- together carelessly, or he may have meant to write O( TETAPEINWME/NOS (with a singular verb in line 6); also possible would be O(/TI E(TAPEI/NOUN (TH\N FUXH/N MOU, cf. Ps. xxxiv. 13) or perhaps O(/TI TAPEINOU=NTAI. Finally, the dots over TH might indicate a correction (omit those letters), leaving O( TAPEINW=N, but this is not supported by the use of dots elsewhere in the fragment. 8. To the left of the large initial A are two letters, possibly IZ (= @@17[?]) followed by a horizontal stroke, {@@RAK-- Is "17[?]" Greek text? es} or (16) or IE(15) or ID(14). A heavy black dot has been placed over the final N (and possibly over the first O). 9. There seems to be a superlinear black dot between the first two letters of A(MARTIW=N, and a light vertical stroke over the N in TW=N. 11. To the left of the initialK is what appears to be the letter Q (= [1]9 ?). The vertical stroke of the marginal K extends from lines 10-12. It is not clear whether the papyrus has KAPDI or KAPTI (probably a ligatured OI with a high stroke). {@@RAK-- Please verify that there is a return after "high stroke)." in the 1st file. es} 12. There is a black dot inthe C of Q-C- (or is it QE?). After QEO/S, Greek OT MSS. read KAI\ PNEU=MA E(GKAI/NISON E)N TOI=S E)GKA/TOIS MOU, but clearly this was not found in lines 11-12. After PN(EU=M)A (or is it PN(EU/M)A(TI), or perhaps PN(EU/M)ATI ?) the papyrus does not seem to read the expected EGQEIC (EU(QE/S). None of these letters is entirely legible; there seems to be traces of EM (or EN) before th papyrus breaks off, preceded by U of H of TI and another letter -- did the transcriber write PN(EU/M)A(TI) H(GEMONIKW=| (or EU?G-, or UG-) STH/RISO/N ME (Ps. 1. 14)? 13. The most likely reading is ON ME, although EN ME is not impossible. Several possibilities suggest themselves for filling out the end of line 12: STH/RISO/N ME (see to line 12)< E(GKAI/NISO/N ME (or E(N ME), E)LE/HSO/N ME (cr. Ps. 1. 3), or even KAQA/RISO/N ME (again). There follows a cross mark (the vertical stroke is barely visible) with its horizontal stroke continuing to the right beyond where the papyrus breaks of. Translation (based largely on conjectural reconstruction) [Sprinkle me with hyssop dipped in the blo]od of the cross, [and I shall be cleansed] (or possibly, "in blood -- I glorify your name ..."), Wash me with [it from lawlessness, and ] cleanse me [from my sins.] Make me to hear [rejoicing, and the bones] which have been humilia[ted will re]joice in gladness. Avert [your face] from [my] si[ns, and blot out] all [my] law[less deeds.] [Create in me] a clean heart, O God; [with a] spirit [of guidance, strength]en me. [[p.149]] {@@RAK-- I use the notation "xx" to indicate the use of Large letters. es}

3. CHRISTIAN DATING FORMULA 8 x 8.5 cm. 608 C.E. [?] This fragment from the beginning of an unidentifiable document preserved the trinitarian Christian dating formula intact: "In the name of the undefiled and homoousian trinity, Father and Son/and Holy Spirit: In the consulship/of our most pious ruler [...?],/the sixth year, on the 17th of Pauni [June 11] in thh 12th indiction/ ...." {@@RAK-- Please note that for this quote I kept the line breaks the same as in the original. es} On the reverse side, written with what is the left and top margin of the document proper serving as top left margin respectively (that is, written perpendicular to the document, along the fibres) is the beginning of the address: +GR(AMMATEI=ON [?]) COUNTW "contract/deed of (or for, or to) Sounto-ous ...". The unusual spelling Sounto-ous is relatively sure on line 6 of the document in the fairly standard identification formula which mentions lineage ("son of ...") and location ("from the town of ..., in the ... nome "). The document is written in black ink along the fibres of a light brown papyrus sheet in a semi-uncial hand. The dating formula closely resembles those from the time of Maurikos, Phokas, and Heraklios (582-641) -- indeed, such formulas came into use under Maurikos -- and the indentification of the sixth year of consulship with the twelfth indiction points strongly to the year 608/609, the sixth year of Phokas' consulship.\14/ Alternatively, it might come from c. 593/94, under Maurikos (who was named consul several times), or from slightly later, under the reign of Heraklios and his son (the sixth year would be c. 617/618; but the 12th indiction c. 623/24). In fact, the only other ocurrence of A)/XRANTOS that we have been able to find in such a dating formula comes from the year 614, unde Heraklios.\15/ This adjective also [[p.150]] occasionally is used of the trinity in documents from the sixth century.\16/ ----- \14/ Compare the formula, very similar to ours, in Preisigke's Sammelbuch, no. 5266: " in the 6th year [of Phokas' reign], on the 15th of Mesore [August 9], in the 12th indiction " -- this is dated 608 by the editors. Similarly, Sammelbuch, nos. 4503 (3rd year of Phokas, 10th indiction) and 4505 (4th year of Phokas, 12th indiction -- corrected to 10th by the editors) are dated to 606. Phokas' reign began in 602, his consulship in 603. \15/ Sammelbuch, no. 4669: On some othe formulas of this period, see H. I. Bell, " A Dating Clause under Heraclius ", Byzantinische Zeitschrift, xxii (1913), 395-405. {@@RAK note at bottom of page: E)PI\ A)XRA/NTW| QWTI/ - cf P. @@Mag. Gk VII. 570 (3-4 c.) } \16/Preisigke's Wo%rterbuch (1925) lists P. London 1675.2 (E)NORKOU=NTES KATA\ TH=S A)XRA/NTOU TRIA/DOS KAI\ TH=S U(MW=N SWTHRI/AS) and Corpus Pap. Raineri 30.II.27 (,Gr>E)PWMO/SATO TH\N A)/XRANTON KAI\ O(MOOU/SION TRIA/DA). G. W. H. Lampe, Patristic Greek Lexicon, fasc. 1 (1961), also refers to a similar use by Theodoret (mid 5th cent.), Interpr. in Psalmos to 57 : 6. ===== {@@RAK-- Here is the notation system that I use for the Greek text: 1. "-" = a line drawn over a letter. 2. "." = a dot under a letter. 3. "*" = a circle under a letter. I typed these symbols after the letters to which they apply. es} 1 + E)N. O)NO/MATI TH=S A(XRA/NT.O.U. KAI\ 2 O(MOONAI)OU) TRIA/D.O.S, PATRO\S KAI\ UI%(OU= 3 KAI\ A(GI/OU P@@UE/MAT.[OS: U(]P.ATI/AS {@@RAK-- Is "U" correct? Should it be "N?" es} 4 TOU= AU(T.O.U= E.u(SEB.(ESTA/TTON) H*MW.=N. DES.P.O/TOU) *[ 5 ] L(E)/TOUS) S-, PA.U=NI I-Z-, I%)ND(Gr>IKTI/ONOS) I-B-. 6 ] L.IOS COUNTW/OUTOS UI%(?O\S 7 ]*FR*** M.H/T.ROS 8 ]****NAS A(PO\ E(POIKI/OU 9 ]*** NOMOU= . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Except for diereses in lines 2, 5, and 6, what may be a rough breathing over the first letter in lines 2, the punctuation, accents and breathings, and resolustion of abbreviations have been supplied. 3. Read U(PATEI/AS. 4. Unfortunately, the line becomes illegible after the lettersDE. Portions of three or four additional letters appear before the papyrus breaks off, just short of the expected margin. If, as we might expect, an abbreviated form of DESPO/TON (DECP, DEPOU, DETOU) occurred, there could have been room for a name such as PWKA= in the suspended form FW which is well attested elsewhere. Indeed, if the left part of line 5, which now appears to be blank, originally contained writing (see also to line 6), an abbreviated names such as PLAOUI/OU 'HRAKLEI/OU might even be conjectured. 5. What we have read as the symbol for E(/TOUS has the rounded ofrm of a C, and might indeed be the final letter of the fully spelled word E(/TOUS. But there is no evidence of writing to the left of this letter, and the papyrus is preserved for the space of four to five letters in that direction. Thus the line may have been indented, or there could have been a long space left between the end ofthe ruler's abbreviated name at the start of the line (two letters could have been accommodated in the missing position of line 5 at the left) and the beginning of the dating [[p.151]] formula proper. After the symbol (or word) for "year" comes the uncial digamma (= 6). The uncial number IZ (= 17) is clear, and IB (= 12) is probable, although at first glance the mutilated B looks like another Z. 6. Immediately below @@the first clear letters of line 5 are the {@@RAK-- I think there is a typo in the original text. "the" is typed twice. I only typed it once. es} letters IOC. As in line 5, the papyrus is preserved for the space of about four letters to the left, but the only evidence of writing is a short, low hook before the IOC, resembling the lower part of a or the right foot of a L or A. If there originally had been writing to the left, perhaps a name such as AU(RI/LIOS appeared. The letters of the name COUNTWOUTOC (genitive of COUNTW/OUS) are clear; one might be tempted to read the W as B, but it is note the same type of B as is found in lines 4 and 5. The nearest thing to his spelling in Preisigke's Namenbuch (1922) is the form CONTW/OUS (see also CONTW=US and COUNEU=S). 7. Perhaps a careful handling of the actual fragment, which becomes quite frayed at this point, could recover more of lines 7-9. A name such as 'ONNW/FRIS may have begun line 7. After the letters MH, the lower part of a lletter is preserved, but it more closely resembles a F than the expected T of UH/TROS. The top stroke of the final letter in the line is elongated to the right for the remainder of the line (about six spaces). 8. The tops of approximately four letters are preserved before NAC (probably the last part of a personal name). 9. The remnants of three or four mutilated letters precede NOMOU.

4. HERAKLAS TO HOROS AND TACHONIS. 12.6 x 13.4 cm. Turn of the era This letter from husband to his wife (?) and son seems to have been written while Heraklas was on military duty. The writer expresses concern for the recipients, and especially for his son (was there a potential military threat to them ? was the son ill ?), and gives instructions on how to deal with a financial crisis that has arisen (lines 7 ff.). Unfortunately, the last six lines are too fragmentary to reconstruct the situation with confidence. It is clear that it pertains somehow to a fuller and to weavers (lines 12-14). The papyrus is relatively well preserved, with the upper and right margins intact. The only significant damage is to the lower left corner, where approximately one-third (11-13 letters) of each of the last six lines is lacking -- including, unfortunately, thh first part of the dating line. The letter is written along the fibres in a bold, upright semi-cursive hand with frequent uncial characteristics. On thh basis of paleography (C.H. Roberts) and simplicity of the dating formula, the letter would seem to [[p.152]] come from the time of Augustus (27 B.C.E. -- 14 C.E.). It had been rolled up from right to left, with the writing to the inside, and on the back of the roll uwing the left margin as a base line was written the address, probably " [Heraklas, to Tachonis] and to Horos his son " (see line 1). There is no indiation whence Heraklas was writing, or where the recipients lived. 1 'HRAKLA=S @@W(/RWI KAI\ TAXW/NEI, XAI/RE@@^I^N KAI\ {@@RAK-- Do the accent mark and breathing mark go with the "W?" es} {@@RAK-- Because there are periods in the Greek text. I have changed the notation for a dot under a letter of "^." A period represent the period. es} 2 U(GEIAI/NEIN. ME\ A(GWNI/A PERI\ U(MW=N. E)^P^I\ STRA^- 3 TENO/MEQA, E)N TW=I PLOI/WI PEPU/K^A^MEN 4 O(KTW\ H(ME/RAS. QEW=N QELO/NTWN, E(N TAI=S TRI- 5 SI\ H(ME/RAIS E)SO/MEQA E)N PLOI/WI. TO\ PAID^I/N 6 E)^PEIMBLE/YON W(S LU/XNON, E(PID^A\N A)- 7 G]WNIW=I PERI\ U(MW=N. E(A\N O( TOU= 'APO/LLW^- 8 N]OS E(/LQH| PRO\S U(MA=S PERI\ TO^U= LOIPOU=, U(^PO/- 9 D^ICON AU(TW=I O(/TI TH=I TAXEI/STH| E(/R^XETAI 10 P^TOLLA/TI^ T^O^I=^S^ E(MOI=S LO/GOIS. EI)=P^ON^ E)^P^I/M^- 11 B]L*E^YA^*[ ]**M^EIN L^I/^A^N^ I^ **** N^* N^ QW* A^N 12 ]W^I DOU=NAI EI)S GNQ/FHN P^ERI\ 13 ]E(LAXEI/STWN. OI)=DA TOU= GERDI/OU (DRAXMAI\) D 14 ]^(DRAXMAI\) K TOU= A)/LLOU GERDI/OU XA/RIN TOU= 15 ]K^A^I\^ U(PO/DICON O(/TI TA/XU W(S E)/RXOMAI. 16 ]*S^ SETASTOU= XOI/^AX I-G-@@^ {@@RAK--Please verify that the "^" is for a dot and not a period. es} On the reverse: ]KAI\ W(/RWI TW=I NI(W=I [[p.153]] Punctuation, accents and breathins, and iota subscrips are supplied. 2. Read U*GIAI/NELN. Perhaps the writer intended to say UH\ A(GWNI/A PERI\ H(MW=N (" Don't worry about us "), or he meant what is more normally expressed by A(GWNIW= PERI\ U(MW=N (" I am concerned/anxious about you ", see lines 6-7)> It seems almost as awkward to read ME/ as the subject of the preceding infinitive as to leave the wording as @@it stands, ungrammatical and verbless. In later Greek {@@RAK-- Please note that I changed "its" to "it." es} ME could stand for META/, but this is also awkward, as well as unlikely, here. The reading E)PEI\ STRATENO/MEQA (" since we embarked ') seems preferable to the compound verbal form E(PISTRATENO/MEQA ("we are advancing "). 3. Read PEPOIH/KAMEN, or perhaps PEPLEU/KAMEN,/>. The phrase " in the ship " could be construed either with what precedes or with what follows. 5. Read PAIDI/ON. 6. The text gives what seems to be a doubly prefixed form E(PEMBLE/YON (E(PIBLE/YON, E)UBLE/YON -- cf. also lines 10 f. below). Instead of EPIDAN (read EPIEIDA/N) the text may have EPIDIAN (E(PEIDH\ A)/N); the D is quite blurred (because of a vertical fold) and seems to be followed by a vertical stroke. 6f. Read A(GWNIW=. 7. A blank space approximately the width of a letter precedes the E(A/N. 8f. Read U(PO/DEICON (cf. line 15). 9. Read ,Gr>TAXI/STH|. 10. Only the top portions of the eighth to eleventh letters are preserved. The last letter in this line is clear, and seems to be a carelessly written M or possibly B or K; probably we should read E)PE/MBLEYA (see above, line 6). It is not entirely clear how lines 9-11 should be punctuated. 11. To the left of the lacuna appear the tops of four to six letters; EY (or AY) are clearest, followed by something like A or L (probably not N). Thus E(PIMBLE/YON as in line 6 does not seem likely. The remainder of this line is almost totally illegible because of a horizontal fold in the papyrus. The letters transcribed above are the most probable candidates. 12. The first preserved letters seem to be WI or AI The GNA/FH (or KNA/FH -- carder or fuller) was a member of one of the monopoly trades of th time; see P.Ox. 1488, lines 9-10 (NAFIKH/). 13. Read E(LAXI/STON or possibly E)LSXEI/STON. 14. A small, brittle piece which has subsequently broken off from the left side contained what seems to have been the same " @@drachmae " symbol (@@<--) as that found at the end of the {@@RAK-- 1. Should I indicate "dracmae" as a Greek word. 2. I used "<--" to indicate the arrow typed or drawn in the original text. es} previous line. Punctuation in thi fragmentary section is, of course, diffiult -- the XA/RIN could go with what precedes, although in the papyri it often does not. 15. Read U(PO/DEICON (as in lines 8 f.) and perhaps TAXE/WS (although TA/XU W(S is not impossible). Above the final letters of E)/PXOMAI is a flourished stoke to the right resembling a C with the bottom elongated horizontally. 16. Perhaps read L(E(/TOUS) ... KAI/SAPO]S SEBASTOU=. There is not enough [[p.154]] room for more than the simplest of names or titles, unless abbreviations were employed. There might possibly be room for the abbreviated E(/RR(WSO) also. The spelling XOI/AK is more normal. Translation Heraklas to Horos and Tachonis: Greetings and good health! I am anxious about you. Since we took up our duties, we have spent eight days aboard ship. As the gods will, we will be aboard ship three more days. Watch over the child like you would over an oil lamp, for I am anxious about you. If Apollo's representative should come to you concerning the balance, inform him that it is coming speedily by (the hand of) Ptollas as I promised (or perhaps, " with my accounts "). I said (that) I have looked into (the matter) ... sufficient ... to give to the fuller concerning (or, " about ") ... at the least. I know of the weaver's 4 drachmae ... 20 drachmae of the other weaver for the sake of ... and indicate that I am coming as quickly as possible. [Farewell. The x year of Caesar] Augustus, Choiak 13 ( = December 9). {@@RAK-- Please note that for the Translation section. I kept the line breaks the same as in the original. Please advise if I should type the text continuously. es}

5. BESARION TO DIONYSION 26.7x10.5 cm. 3rd/4th cent. Besarion makes an accounting to his " lord and patron " Dionysios, who apparently is a man with extensive landholdings, concerning various domestic affairs relating to th estates under Besarion's care. The villages of Plelo and Lile in lines 7 and 16 and located, respectively, in the " middle " (ME/SH) toparchy and in the A(PHLIW/THS toparchy and in the A)PHLIW/THS toparchy of the Oxyrhynchite nome (see P.Ox. 1285, 111 and 92). The exact situation in which Besarion finds himself is difficult to reconstruct from the somewhat cryptic allusions contained in the letter. Apparently he had responded to an earlier letter from Dionysios, but failed to receive further instructions from Dionysios as he expected (lines 5-10). He also tries to explain why he did not appear in person before Dionysios (lines 10-11). Thereupon Besarion refers to certain payments he has sent in terms which suggest that he is leasing the cattle and lands of which he speaks from Dionysios. As early as the third century C.E., the FO/ROS PROBA/TWN (lines 15-16) had come to indicate income from the flocks of sheep and herds of [[p.155]] goats which were leased to their tenants by the great landholders.\17/ The cash rent referred to in lines 16-17 (A(RGURIKO\S FO/ROS) would probably be for the lands themselves.\18/ Lines 18-20 suggest that Besarion's fields produced material for the weaving trade. The issues alluded to in lines 21-25 are not clear. The opening and closing formulas (lines 1-3, 26-27) can be paralleled widely in Christian letters from the third to the fifth centuries.\19/ ----- [[p.155]] \17/ Previously it indicated rent paid to the government for the use of state-owned sheep and goats; see S.L. Wallace, Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian (Princeton University Studies in Papyrology, ii (1938), pp. 79-80). \18/ @@Ibid. p. 71. {@@RAK-- Is "Ibid" latin text? It is not in italics or underlined. es} \19/See, e.g,{@@,?} G. Ghedini, Lettere Cristiane dai Papiri Greci del III e IV Secolo (1923); M. T> Cavassini, " Lettere Cristiane nel Papiri Greci d'Egitto, " Aegyptus, xxxiv (1954), 266-82; J. O'Callaghan, " Lettere Cristiane dai Papiri Greci del V secolo ", Aegyptus, xli (1961), 26-36. ===== The papyrus itself is relatively well preserved, with all margins intact (unless some slight loss has occurred at the right). The writing is in a bold, nearly upright, irregular semi-cursive hand with frequent ligatures, and extends along the fibres. it is typical of the later third or early fourth centuries. On line 14 a deletion of a dozen letters is indicated by supralinear dots. At the end of lines 6, 23, and 25, a supralinear horizontal stroke is used to indicate suspensions of the letters K (or perhaps KTWN), N, and UTHN. The supralinear apostrophe is clear on lines 16 (U') and 19 (EIP'PIA), and may have occurred also on line 22 (TEC'CERA). The numbers and related symbols in lines 15-17 are particularly difficult to decipher; we have made calculated guesses as to their possible significance and relationship. The reverse side of the papyrus is blank. 1 KURI/W| MOU PA/TRWNI 2 RONUSI/W| : BHSARI/*WN. 3 P[OL]L*A\* E)N QEW+| XAI/REIN. @@~ {@@RAK-- I used the "~" symbol to indicate a vertical line in the text. I am not sure which line this goes with. Please advise. es} 4 E)/GRA*Y*A/ SOI DIA\ DIDU/MOU 5 TH\N DIA/QESIN TW=N GHDI/WN 6 W(=N @@'PER' E)/GRAYA/S MOI TW=N A)POTE-(K)- {@@RAK-- I do not know if the "'" marks in the text are quotation marks or variations of apostrophe marks. Please advise. es} [[p.156]] 7 TWN TH=S PLELW\ KAI\ OU)K E(/GRA- 8 YA/S MOI pERI\ AU(TW=N. EI( TI SOI 9 DOKI= A(NTI/GRAYO/^N MOI PERI\ AU)- 10 TW=N. KAI\ DI' AU)TO\ TOU=TO OU)K E(SXO/- 11 LASA A(NABH=NAI PRO/S^ SO^U^. A(GO/RA- 12 ZON SPE/RM^ATA * * | E)/PE[M]YA 13 DIA\ TOU= A(DELFLOU= MOU CUME- 14 W/NOS [[ KAI\ E)PAGA/QOU *]], A)RGURI/OU 15 (T*A/LANTA) T*LA | TOU/TWN FO/ROU PROBA/- 16 TW]N T^H=S LILH= (TA/LANTA) C^E, KAI\ U((PE\R) A)RGU- 17 R^E/^K^OU FO/ROU TA\ L^O^I^PA\ (TA/LANTA) @@CC-G-. {@@RAK-- Are there two different versions of a capital "C?" es} 18 KAI\ PE/MYON MOI TO\N ME/LLON- 19 TA DOKIMA/ZIN TA\ SI/P' @@PIA| {@@RAK-- Please verify that "PIA|" is a second word. es} 20 E(TOI/MASAN GA\R AU(TA/. E)/PEM- 21 YA DE\ DIA\ TOU= AU(TOU= FO^INI/^K^A 22 PETALI/DIA TE/^S^' S^E^RA. OI( DE\ TA/^- 23 KTONAS EI( MH\ U^I/A^N KUKLA/DA-(N) 24 OU)K E)POI/HSAN. PANHF **S^H^ KAI\ 25 PASOH/RIS MO/N^O^I^ E)POI/HSAN TH\N A-(U(TH/N). 26 'ERRW=QAI/ SE EU)/XOMAI P^O^LLO^I=S 27 X^R^O/^N^OIS.. [[p.157]] Except as noted, punctuation, accent, and the like are supplied. 3. At the start of the line, the P is clear, but whether POLLA/ should be read, or perhaps PLEI=STA (which also is attested in such formulae), or something similar, cannot be determined from the preserved traces. 6. The letters PER are inserted above the EG to make W(=PER. 6f. The final letter in line 6 has a horizontal stroke above it which we have resolved to a K, but possibly the author intended A)POTA/(KTWN) TW=N or even A)POTA/- (KTWN FO/RWN) TW=N. It might also be possible to read A)POSTA/(N)TWN (" fugitives ") here, since the left part of the T is unusually hooked, and might reresent CT. 9. Read DOKEI=. 11. PRO/S SE seems to be meant, but SON, or possibly SOI appears to have been written. 11f. Probably the participal A(GORA/ZWN (" since I am buying ") or the imperfect H\GO/RAZON (" I was buying ") should be read here. The imperative S)GO/RASON (cf. also lines 9, 18) seems much less likely in he context. 12. After STE/RMATA there is room for one or two letters, and some faint traces of ink seem to be visible. But perhaps the papyrus was simply blank at this point. 13f. A(DELFOU= could be meant literally or figuratively (Christian brother, brother inservice). The cancelled words KAI\ E)PAGA/QOU ( = XRHSTOU= ?) possibly also applied to Symeon, who seems to have had a rather trusted position to judge from the tasks he performs. 14. After E(PAGA/QON, traces of another cancelled letter appear, possibly O or W. The letters we have read as A(RGURI/OU are not carefully written and might be read differently (ARTABOU ?). The initial A (?) is especially peculiar. 15. Only the very top of the first letter/symbol is preserved (faintly), followed by rather large, scrawled letters of which LA (or DA) seem most likely. It is not at all sure that the initial symbol indicates TA/LANTA. 16. What has been read as the sign for TA/LANTA is much clearer here, like a large reverse S bisected by a horizontal line. The letter/number/symbol between it and the H is not so clear, however, and is as close in form to P as to Q. After the abbreviated (U') come 3 or 4 carelessly written letters somewhat similar to the APGU (?) of line 14 (but not exactly he same). 17. The second and third letters are difficult to read; IK is unlikely, but E( (or EM) would be possible. Thus we would read A(RGURI/KOU with some hesitation. The last part of the line also has its difficulties; LOITA/ is possible, but the LO are especially blurred, while the P could also be read as an E. The symbol taken as TA/LANTA here is not exactly like that in line 16, but its top resembles more closely the traces preserved in line 15. The first letter after this symbol in line 17 looks very much like a digamma (CT form, =6), but might conceivably be a badly written C (= 200). Separate horizontal lines appear above the QG at the end of the line, but not elsewhere above supposed numbers (lines 15-16). 21f. It is not clear what is meant by FOINI/KIA PETALI/DIA TE/SSERA. The first part of TE/SSERA (?) is badly blurred, but the other two words seem certain. Should we read FOINI/KE)IA in its literal sense, " from the date-palm ", or perhaps as " Phoenician " (FOINI/KEA meaning " purple " seems less likely here)? PETALI/DIA seems to be the diminutive of PETA/LIA, but the meaning of neither is clear -- @@wreaths ? (see Preisigke) small flat dishes (or crates) ? {@@RAK-- Should "wreaths" and the other definitions be in quotation marks? es} 22f. Read OI( TE/KTONES. It is not entirely clear what is meant by KUKLA/DAN, but [[p.158]] it probably refers to some part of the water works used to irrigate the fields. The final N in line 23 is indicated by a supralinear horizontal stroke. 24f. Preisigke/s Namenbuch includes several similar names, but not any identical to these; e.g.{@@,?} PANIFNOU=S, PANEFRE/MIS (and related forms), PASARI=S, PASARA/EI, PASI=RIS, PESO/RIS, PESOUH=RIS, PES(O)U=RIS{@@.?} 25. The final word is abbreviated {@@blank space} the letter A with a horizontal stroke above it. 26f. Line 26 is indented the space of three or four ltters, while the last line is indented three more spaces in relation to line 26. Translation To my lord patron Dionysios, (from) Besarion. Many greetings in God. I wrote you by means of Didymos about the disposition of he lands, with reference to which you wrote me concerning the stipulated amounts for those at Plelo- (?), and you did not reply to me concerning them. If anything occurs to you (to say), write me concerning them. And for this very reason I did not have time to come to you, since I am buying seed. I sent by means of my brother Symeon [[who is also fortunate (?)]] @@331 talents of silver. Of these, 68 were rent for the sheep at Lile-, and the remaining 263 talents (?) were land-rent (literally, "rent in silver "). And send me hime who is to inspect the hemp, for I have it ready. And I sent by means of the same one (Symeon) four small palm-wood dishes (?). But thh carpenters made nothing but a single water wheel (or perhaps, " did no make a single "). Pane-frese- (?) and Pasoe-ris made it by themselves. Farewell; may you live many years. {@@RAK-- Please note that for the previous paragraph, I typed the line breaks as they are in the original. es}

6. LETTER 9.2x8.2 cm. 3rd cent. This fragment preserves most of the lower thirteen lines of a letter written in an upright semi-cursive (with frequent ligatures) along the fibres of the papyrus. The left, bottom, and right (? see below) margins are virtually intact. It is possible tht the very fragmentary first line, which is indented slightly, was the initial line of the letter. No indication has been preserved of who wrote the letter, where it was sent from, to whom it was sent, etc. Nor is there any evidence of a dating formula at the end. Both the idion (e.g.{@@,?} PANOIKESI/A\, line 14) and the script suggest a third-century date. [[p.159]] The main content concerns some sort of transaction that was in the process of being completed. The author advises his recipient how much money is available, what arrangments are to be made, etc., but the precise details are not clear -- possibly grain is involved (lines 7 and 9). Finally, he asks to be kept informed about the results (lines 8-10), and explains that a family problem will keep him from joining his recipient as he had previously planned. On the reverse side, written up-side down in relation to the letter (thus, against the fibres), are five lines of virtually illegible writing which seem to have extended beyone, or at least up to the very edge on the right (which is also the letter's right margin). The lower half of this reverse side is blank, which encourages the belief that it was written after the ltter; if so, the right margin o h letter originally may have been somewhat wider. There is no reason to believe that both sides were inscribed by the same hand, although the badly preserved state of the reverse side admittedly makes this difficult to determine. 1 E|[ ]***[ ]**[ 2 PAR[A]S|XI=N E)K DRAX(MA=N) *[ 3 PRIA/KONTA DU/O. EI) O[ 4 PRO\S TOU/TOIS E)SSI\ A)SFA- 5 LI/SAI A)RABW=NA LA/BWN 6 TA/LANTON H(/MAI PRO/S, PRO\S 7 A)RTA/BAS (A)*RTA/BAI) C^NA GI/NETAI 8 (TA/LANTA) IB. KAI\ PO/^TE BOU/LE^TAI 9 TH\N E)NBO^LH\N POIE^I=^SQAI 10 DH/L^WSO/N MOI EI(/NA EI(DW=. 11 H)DUNA/MHN KAGW\ GENE/SQAI 12 PRO/S SE, DI\ DE\ TH\N NWQ^R^I/^AN [[pp.160]] 13 @@TOU= A)DELFOU=^ OU)K EU(TO/HSA. {@@RAK-- I cannot tell if line 13 is indented more than the previous lines. es} 14 E)/RRWSO, PANI^KHSI/A| E^U)T^U/^XWN[ Punctuation, accents and breathings, etc., are supplied. 1. The initial letter, probably E or perhaps Q, is indented slightly. Traces of four or five other letters are preserved in the line. 2. Read PARASXEI=N. After DRAX (the X is dropped to indicate the susupension) there is room for two or three letters before the normal limit of the margin is reached. 3. Possibly two or three letters are broken off at the end, if the line was of normal length. EI) OU)=N or EI) OU)(K) would be possible. 4. Read E(STI/. 6. Apparently H(/MAI is used for the more normal H(/MISU (half a talent is woth 30 minae or 3,000 drachmae). 7. The figure which presumably follows A(RTA/BAS is badly blurred but seems relatively tall and might have been the symbol for A(RTA/BAI. The letter that follows is peculiar; it looks like the right half of a Roman numeral I with exaggerated horizontal strokes at base and top (it is blurred to the left). There is nothing else like it in the document. It might conceivably be a strangely written C, thus giving the number 251 (CNA), but that is far from certain. 8. The initial symbol seems to be that for TA/LANTA, followed by the number 12 (IB). 9. Read E(MBOLH/N. 10. Read I(/NA. 12. Read NWQREI/AN. 14. Read PANOIKESI/A|. The slutation is indented by the space of 4 letters. The final word is not entirely clear, but seems to be EU(TU/XWN (the last three letters are fairly certain). Translation ... to supply at thirty two drachmae (each). If ... a @@downpayment is to be secured in addition, take half a talent {@@RAK-- I resolved "downpayment" on 1 line. Please advise if the hyphenation is as it is in the original text. es} for 251 artabae, making a total of 12 talents. And when he wishes to make the shipment, tell me so I will know. I myself would have been able to be with you, but because of the illness (?) of my brother, I am not free (to come). Farewell. Prosper with all your household. {@@RAK-- Please note that for the translation, I typed the line breaks as they are in the original with the exception of "downpayment" as noted above. es}

7. VOUCHER 6.5x8.25 cm. 3rd cent. [?]. This well preserved, complete little document has all margins intact and is written in an upright hand which sometimes reflects [[p.161]] " chancery style " with uncial and cursive forms freely mixed (e.g.{@@,?} three, and possibly four different forms of the letter N appear; ligatures are frequent). The reverse is blank. A date somewhere in the third century appears likely. The exact import of the note is not entirely clear, or is there any indication who has written it. The abbreviation at the end of line 1 probably stands for the professional donkey-driver, the O)NHLA/THS (often abbreviated to ONHL or even to ON). Thus the note would read: " There is given to each donkey-driver in the field sixteen drachmae wages each month, and a pair of sandals, as Petechonsis (?) orders. " On the other hand, the abbreviation on line 1 might indicate the animal itself, the O)NU/DIN (see P. Cairo Goodspeed 15.16), or O)NI/DION, or O)NO/S. In his circumstance we wiykd read: " There is given to each donkey in the field a provision amounting to 16 drachmae worth each month, and a set of shoes ...." Satisfactory resolution of this problem requires a more exact acquaintance with economicpractices in third-century Egypt than is presently at the disposal of the editors; judging from the taxes sometimes levied on donkey-drivers, however, 16 drachmae would seem to be a very modest monthly wat (see Wallace, Taxation, pp. 200 and 212). @@L 1 D^I/DONTAI E(KA/STWI ONI^ {@@RAK-- I indicated a letter that I think is written above the text. es} 2 E)N TH+| GRA/S^TEI O)YW^NI/OU 3 M^HNIAI=AI^ DRAX(MAI\ DE^KA/EC 4 KAI\ SANDALI/WN ZUGO/N 5 W(S FH/SIN P^E^T^EXW=NS^IS^. Breathings and accents have been supplied. 1. The letters at the end of the line are ONI or ONY, with an L or L-like form over the final letter. The leading possibilities seem to be O(NHLA/TH| or perhaps O(NIDI/W| (see above). 2. The genitive O)YWNI/OU is probable, but the ending is written in a ligatured cursive with a final flourish, and might conceivably be simply A of AN. 3. In MHNIAIAI, the final A is sure and the remainder fot hh last letter could well be from a ligaturesI (or possibly S). Thus we have construed this [[p.162]] word with DRAX(MAI/) rather than with the preceding O)YWNI/OU (?). In the suspension ARAX,/>, the X is raised above the line. 5. The name of the person ultimately responsible for the situation is difficult to decipher, although the papyrus is perfectly preferved at this point. The first three or four letters are the least clearly written@@; PET is far from {@@RAK-- Should the ";" be a ":?" es} obvious (TELU or PAU also seem possible), but the only name listed in Preisigke's Namenbuch that seems to qualify is PETEXW=NS?IS.

8. DOUBLE ALPHABET 8.75 x 11.5 cm. 7th cent. [?]. This relatively well-preserved little paleographer's prize contains the Greek alphabet written inlarge, nealy upright, scrawling Byzantine cursive letters (lines 1-2), and then repeats the alphabet, with the six supplementary Coptic letters at the end, in smaller, upright uncials. The exercise is written against the fibres, and on the reverse are found the last part of 3 almost illegible lines written with the fibres. The writing on the reverse is undoubtedly older than the alphabetic exercise since it seems to be part of a larger piece that was re-used in making the latter. The upper edge of the alphabetic side forms the lower edge of the reverse, and seems to have been the lower margin of the original. On the alphabet side, all four margins are preserved and the lower two fifths of the piece is blank. 1 a^ b g^ d^ e z q^ i k l m^ 2 n c o p r^ s t u^ f^ x y w 3 A B G D E S H Q I+ K [L] M N C O P R S T U 4 F X Y W s f h j [g] t Of special interest among the individual letter forms are the cursives D (like a reversed 6 with the loop open and a tail to the right), L (like a cursive H with a shot left side), N (like a simple capital L followed without break by a small 1 in English script, C, (like a capital M in English scripts), P (like a pair of flowing linked cursive gammas written above the line), T (like an uncial Y), and N (very shallow, apparently without any vertical element). [[p.163]] Among the relatively formless uncials, the A is quite cursive and is even linked to the B; the D is made up of three separate strokes of which the left is vertical, perpendicular to the line of writing, while the other two intersect a a right angle to form what looks like an isosceles right triangle with the left stroke as hypotenuse; the @@C tends towards the large cursive type. On the sequence of the special Coptic characters at the end, see Stegemann, 10a n.7. //end??//