As it is usual in these cases in the Catalan area, the paper is [full of] plenty of "shared assumptions and complicities" (as well as colloquial expressions and folk metaphors)--this is the way Catalan activists from Catalonia, Balearic Isles and Valencia use to write (this being a part of the issue and an interesting feature to be analyzed).

The author retakes an information on a Catalonia Supreme Court sentence -which does not mean a "Catalan" Court-, declaring void of effect an agreement on the use of languages taken by a democratic municipal government in a Catalan town. The author's argument follows (more or less) this rule:

1. What Catalans must claim is not a viable more generous interpretation of law, since the restrictive interpretation is equally viable;
2. This is so because because the Spanish legislation on linguistic matters is radically unequal;
3. The municipal agreement was a democratic one and had been taken by a body in which all political parties were represented;
4. The status of Catalan, then, is not dependent on democratic decisions standing within a Catalan domain, but on Spanish laws standing in the whole Spanish domain, in which Catalans are a minority by definition;
5. This is a political and juridical persecution, since politicians pass the bills and magistrates apply them;
6. Moreover, the court domain has been one of the most impenetrable to Catalan;
7. Then, when decisions on the use of Catalan language (an official language in Catalonia, Balearic Isles and Valencia) are impugned by someone for any reason, resolution is at the mercy of citizens who either ignore it or are manifestly beligerant against it;
8. The use of Catalan should be respected by non-Catalan Spanish speakers in Spain in the same way that Catalans respect the use of Spanish;
9. Since this situation is a colonialist one, Catalans must struggle to autodeterminate linguistically - at least.