4
SYNTAX

Until very recently, Kannada syntax has not been thoroughly studied. In the last fifteen years, a number of doctoral dissertations have appeared (e.g., Ramanujan 1963, Vayak 1967, Ullrich 1968, Nadkarni 1970) that have treated various aspects of Kannada either in a general way or as a study of particulars of specific dialects. No thorough study of the syntax of modern Kannada has yet appeared in English, and when the first draft of this grammar was written, D. N. S. Bhatt's kannada vaakyagalu (1978) had not yet become available in this country. That work treats the subject of syntax in Kannada thoroughly and in a modern framework; unfortunately, because it is not in English, it is not available for reference for those knowing no Kannada. Until the appearance of this work, the task of writing about Kannada syntax in English consisted of summarizing the few existing studies; since its appearance, an adequate presentation of Kannada syntax requires a translation of his study into English. Obviously, this is not a possibility, but neither would an English summarization be sufficient.
Our solution, and we are fully aware of its deficiencies, is to present a revised version of our earlier draft of this chapter, with cross references to Bhatt wherever pertinent. In the meantime, we await either a full translation into English of his work, so that non Kannada speaking scholars can benefit from it, or other studies of Kannada syntax stimulated by it.

4.0.1. Word Order. The basic word order in a Kannada sentence is Subject Object Verb (SOV). Other orders can be found in a sentence, due to stylistic variation or for other reasons. Generally, the verb occurs as the last constituent of the sentence. However, sometimes in colloquial speech, the verb may be followed either by the subject or the object; this may be called "after thought" word order, since the speaker may not have thought out the sentence well and wants to add something. It may also be due to extraposition (see 4.10.1), which has the function of focusing on some element of the sentence for emphasis or other reasons.
Traditionally, a simple sentence is described as consisting of a subject and a predicate as shown below:

Subject	Predicate
Object	Verb
avanu   paat(h)a	oodda
he   lesson	studdied

'he studied the lesson'

4.0.1.1. Subject. The subject of a sentence is usually a noun or noun phrase. It usually occurs in the nominative case (see 2.3.1), except in certain instances where the sentence has either a psychological verb or a stative defective verb (see 3.7), or where the sentence has the copula iru in the sense of `have' (see 3.7.4). In these cases, the subject occurs with the dative case as shown below:

nange tale nooaatte `I have a headache' to me head aches
na'nge kannaDa gottaa? 'do you know Kannada?' to you Kannada known Q
aarag erD makL iddaare 'he has two children' to him two children exist
arsarag doD armanc ide 'the king has a big palace'
to the king big palace exists

1'he subject of a setaencc is an important structural element and plays a crucial role in rnany grammatical processes in the language. As already noted, the subject occurs normally in the initial portion of a sentence. It is always in agreement with the verb with respect to PNG (see 3.4.1), except in the case of those dative subjects discussed earlier.

naanu		oodtiini 'I read the book
I		read
naavu		oodtiivi 'we read the book'
we		read
niinu		oodtii(ya) 'you read the book'
you (sing.')		read
niivu	pustaka	oodtiiri 'you read the book'
you (pl.)	book	read
avanu		oodtaane 'he reads the book'
he		read
avaLu		oodtaaLe ' shee reads the book'
she		reads
avaru		oodtaare 'he/she/they read(s) the book'
he		reads
she
they

When a sentence is passivized, it is the subject that is optionally moved to the object position along with the instrumental case marker in the passivized sentence (see 3.11.3).

mart pustka oodde `I read (past tense) a book'

pustka narartinda oodalpaTtu `the book was read by me'
             book by me read was

Further, when a sentence contains another noun or pronoun (third person only) that is coreferential, i.e., refers to the same thing, as the subject, this noun or pronoun is replaced by the reflexive pronoun taanu (Sridhar 1979:3). (I his is illustrated by the following examples:

avn tart maneeg hoogtaarze 'he goes to his (own) house'
he his own house goes

cyan nartg tart mano toorsda 'heshowed me his (own)
he to me his own house showed house'

In the last caamlrle, tan `one's own' can only refer to avrt, the subject, and not to nartgc, the indirect object.

4.0.2. Predicate. The predicate of a sentence (in addition to the structures seen above) may consist of a noun phrase only (with no obvious verb present on the surface level). In these cases, the sentence consists of two noun phrases, one as the subject and the other as the predicate, and it is called an equational sentence; such sentences usually express the "Identity" of the two nouns.

aar meeStru `he is a teacher'
he teacher

naan huDga `I am a boy'
I boy

The predicate may also have only a verb:

aan hoogtaane `he goes (somewhere)'
he goes

naan bande `I came'
I came

The predicate may also have a noun (phrase) and a verb as well. The two together make up the verb phrase. The object of a sentence is the noun phrase "dominated" by (affected by) the verb phrase. This can be illustrated by the following tree diagram:

	Sentance
Noun phrase		Verb phrase
|	--------	---------------
|	|	|
|	Noun phrase	Verb
|	|	|
avanu	pustaka	oodtaane
he	book	reads
	'he reads a book'

In this sentence theme are two noun phrases, one as the subject, avanzu, dominated directly by the sentence node, and one in the predicate, pustaka, dominated by the verb phrase, that is, the object of the verb.

The object of a verb generally occurs with the accusative (objective) case marker arena (see 2.3.3), which is obligatorily present with rational nouns (see 2.1) and only optional with nonrational (neuter) nouns or noun phrases. However, when the neuter noun is marked with the accusative case marker, it has a redundant semantic nuance, namely, that it is a particular thing.

avn meeSTran nooDa `he saw the teacher'
he teacher (acc.) saw
*aan meeSTru nooDda

avn sinma nooDda `he saw a movie' he movie saw
aan sinmaan nooDda `he saw the movie' he movie (ace.) saw

The basic order of a noun phrase is the same whether it be the subject or the object (or whatever) of the sentence, although they behave syntactically differently in the sentence (e.g., are marked with different case markers to indicate different functions in the sentence, etc.).

4.0.3. The noun phrase. A noun phrase is a phrase consisting mainly of a noun or pronoun, but also optionally other constituents (see 2). For example, it may consist of the following:

a proper noun	raama (banda)
	Rama came
a pronound (see 2.4)	avn (banda)
	he came
a common noun	huDga(banda)
	a boy came
a numeral + a common noun	muur huDugru(bandru)
	three boys came
demonstrative particle + numeral + common noun	ii muur huDugru (Bandaru)
	these three boys came
demonstrative + particle + numeral + adjective + common noun	aa naak cik manegLu (nooDde)
	those four small houses I saw

Sometimes a whole sentence can also occur as a relative clause before a noun, thus complicating the structure of the noun phrase even further. Some quantifiers such as ella `all' and solpa `some' (see 2.6.9) can also occur after the noun, as in haal ella `all the milk'. In the case of plural rational nouns the quantifying adjectives also optionally take the plural suffix ru.

ii huDugr elru bandru `all these boys came'
these boys all came

bisi anna solpa koDi `give (me) a little hot rice!' hot rice little give

Further the noun can be followed by case markers (see 2.3), emphatic particles (see 4.1 1.1), emphatic markers such as kuuDa `also' and maatra `only', and also by the yes no question marker as (see 4.3). The nominative case marker is zero, but the presence of the accusative case marker together with various noun phrase constituents that follow the noun can be seen in the following:

ii huDugran nooDde `I saw these boys'
these boys (ace.) saw I

ii huDugr ellarn nooDde `I saw all these boys'
these boys all (ace.) saw I

ii huDugr ellarn kuuDa nooDide `I also saw all these boys'
these boys all (ace.) also saw 1

4.0.4. The verb phrase. A verb phrase mainly consists of an optional noun phrase and a verb. As in other Dravidian languages, the verb in Kannada is much more complex than the noun. It occurs as the last constituent of the sentence or sentential clause. Verbs can conveniently be divided into finite and nonfinite forms (see 3).
A finite verb form consists mainly of the following:

a verb stem (see 3.1) + tense marker (see 3.4.2 3) + PNG (see 3.4.1)
hoog + tt + iini `I go'

a verb stem + (infinitive) (see 3.2) + modal (see 3.6) hoog a beeku
'must go'

a verb stem + (infinitive) + negative (see 4.4) hoog al illa
`didn't go'

a verb stem (past) + aspect (see 3.8) + tense + PNG hoog(i) +
biT-T-e`definitely went'

When a modal or negative occurs, the infinitive must be attached to the verb; when aspect is chosen, the verb stem must be in the past. Also with modal or negative, PNG is absent (see 3.6.4 for exception); it is also absent when nonfinite forms of the verb occur. Other combinations of the above may occur aspect may be followed by an infinitive and a modal, or another aspect marker, or occasionally a negative; the verb stem may be followed by various kinds of participles (see 3.5) or by the causative (see 3.9), or verbs may be conjoined in various ways. Emphatic particles (clitics, see 4.11) can also occur in the verb phrase.

4.1. Adjectives. This section concentrates on the syntax of adjectives in the noun phrase. In section 2.6, the formation and structure of adjectives was discussed, as well as the question of whether there are any "true" adjectives in Kannada or whether they must be derived from other constituents. Here are some examples of noun phrases containing adjectives:

aa pustka oLLe pustka 'that book is a good book' that book good book

aa pustka oLLeedu `that book is (a) good (one)' that book good one

ad oLLee pustka 'that (one) is a good book'
that one good book

ad oLLeedu 'that (one) is (a) good (one)'
that one good one

As we note in 2.6, adjectives mad be simple (true) or derived (see 2.6.2 ff.) from nouns or verbs.

doD mane`a big house'
big house

hos daura 'new thread'
new thread

cik piistka 'a small book'
small book

cikk acuu 'a small male'
doDD avaLu 'a big (older) girl'

baD avru `poor persons'
hos du `a new one/thing'
ob-nu `one male'

The genitive of nouns (see 2.3.2) and pronouns (see 2.5.3.1) may also be used adjectivally:

raaman mane 'Raman's house' nan pustka `my book' nimm uuru `your village'

4.1.1. Adjectival participles. Adjectives may be derived from verbs, in which case they are called adjectival participles (see 3.5.5 6). They consist of verb stem plus tense (present or past) plus either oo or a.

4.1.2. Present adjectival participle. The present adjectival participle is formed by adding o o (from uaa; see 1.3.5.1) to the present stem of the verb (see 3.1).

bar oo aaara `next week (the coming week)' come week

nooD-oo jaaga `the place (one is) seeing'
see place

bar-yoo kate `the story (one is) writing' write story

hoog-oo mane `the house (to which one is) going'
go house

It may be noted that since English cannot freely derive adjectives from verbs, many of these adjectival participles are not equivalent to adjectives in English, but rather to phrases or clauses. There may also be some ambiguity as to whether the modified noun is the subject of the adjectival verb (baron Uaara `the week that is coming') or the object (nooU oo jaaga 'the place one is seeing' rather than `the place that does the seeing'); this must be determined by the context.
Syntactically, adjectival participles occur when two sentences arc combined. That is, what underlies the adjectival participle baron in barnu aaara is a phrase (or clause Or sentence) such as nrzclu vaara baratto 'a week comes' that is combined with another clause (phrase, sentence) in which vaara becomes the subject or object of another verb:

(a) ondu vaara baratte + (b) as vaaradalli hoogtiini
`one week comes'                    `in that week I go'

By the process of `embedding', the verb of (a) becomes baron, its noun phrase ondu vaara is deleted, and a new sentence is created with the verb of (a) modifying the noun vaara in (b):

baron aaaradalli hoogtiini `I will go in the coming week'

This process is treated in section 4.9 (see also Bhatt 1978: 377 ff.).

4.1.3. Past adjectival participle. The past adjectival participle is formed by adding a to the past stem of the verb (see 3.1.1. and 2.6.2).

band a huDga `the boy who came'
hood a nnane 'the house (to which one)
went' hood a vaara 'the week that went, last week'
koTT a pustka `the book that one gave, the given book'

demonstrative + particle + numeral + adjective + common noun Perfect (or perfective) adjectival participles can be formed by adding adjectival endings oo or a to a verb aspectuallv marked with iru, the perfective aspect marker (see 3.8.9). Since irtt can be marked for either present or past tense, we can get forms like the following:

band ir oo huDga `the boy who has come'
koTT ir oo pustka 'the book that has been given'
bard ir oo kate 'the story that has been written'
band idd a ltuDga 'the boy who had come (and stayed)'
koTT-idd a-Pustka 'the book that had been given (and kept)'
bard idd a kate 'the Story that had been written'

4.1.5. Denominal adjectival participles. Adjectives can also be derived from nouns by the addition of the past adjectival participle of aagu 'become', aada, plus cytionallw the present adjectival participle of iru, iron. When iron is used, it must be attached to the past participle of aagu, aaa(i) f he (lit lcrence in meaning is not so mach one of tense, but of alienable versus inherent qualities.

kemp aad baTTe `red cloth'
ettarvaad huDga `tall boy'
kemp aag iroo baTTe `red cloth'
*ettarvaag iroo huDga

kemp aada is an inherent or inalienable red, whereas kemp aag z roo is a red that has been added, for example, to cloth, and can be removed, such as a red spot. ettaravaada `tall' is an inalienable quality of the boy; in other words, he cannot be made more or less tall.
The relation of the adjective to the noun it qualifies seems to be closer than that of the adverb to the verb. Participles such as emphatic markers, yes/no question markers, and so forth, cannot occur between the adjective and the noun (see example below), whereas they can occur between the adverb and the verb (see example d).

(a) as oLLe huDugn as bandiddu? `is it that good boy who came?' that good boy Q coming?

(b) *aa oLLeeyaa huDga bandy? 'that good Q boy came'

(c) as oLLe huDga ninne bandy `that good boy came yesterday' yesterday

(d) as oLLe huDga ninnenaa bandiddu? `was it yesterday that that good boy came?'

(e) as oLLc huDga maatra banda `that good boy alone came' only'

(f) *aa oLLe maatra huDga banda

(g) as oL Le huDga ninne maatra banda `that good boy came yesterday only'

In sentences (a) and (d), when constituents other than the verb are questioned, cleftin,o, that is, converting the verb to a verbal noun, is obligatory; extraposing the questioned item is optional (see 3.5.8, 1.10).

4.2. Adverbs. Generally, the adverb immediately precedes the verb in Kannada. Adverbs rmiy be citlicr simplc or derived from nouns, verbs, and adjectives. Examples of simple adverbs are:

tumba `very'
beega `quickly'
punaa 'again'

Adverbs can be classified according to their meaning as adverbs of place, of time, and of manner (Andronov 1969:66).

Adverbs of place:

munde `in front of duura `away, far'
naDuve `in the middle' madyc `in the middle'

Time expressions:

iiga 'now'
naaLe 'tomorrow'
saayankaala `evening'

Adverbs of manner:

beega `quickly'
spaSTa `clearly'
iiznuu `more' bahaLa
`very, much'

Adverbs can also be formed from demonstrative roots (see 2.6.6). Adverbs of quantity are formed by prefixing demonstrative prefixes i , a , and e to STu: ISTu 'this much', aSTu `that much', eSTu `how much'. Manner adverbs are formed by prefixing demonstrative prefixes (see 2.6.6) to ge: hiige `this way', haage `that way', heege (or heog C ) `how'. Adverbs of place are formed by prefixing demonstrative prefixes to Ili : illi `here', alli 'there', elli `where'.

4.2.1. Derived adverbs. Nouns can be made into adverbs by the addition of' the suffix aagi:

aipriita 'excess' + aagi ==> viprittvaagi `excessively'
curzthu 'sharpness' + aagi curkaagi 'sharply'
doD Dadu 'bid thing' + aggi daDdaal `largely'

Some of these ilMuns can be nominalired adjectives (see 2.6.5) such as the last example. Some other adverbs end in c or gc; many of them are also postpo~sitions (see 2. f).

mettage 'softy'
taNNage 'coolIly'

The adverbial marker ce is added to the demonstrative adjectives (see 2.6.6) ii and as to get iice `this side', and aace `that side'. It must be noted that the adverbial marker ge can be added to these adverbial forms to indicate specificity, that is, iicege `this very side, place', aacege `that very side, place'.
The adverbial suffix aagi is added to onomatopoeic words such as i joor to get jooraagi `loudly'. Onomatopoeic expressions can also occur I alone, or reduplicated:

gaDabaDa `noisily, hastily'
blaag blaaga `of burning'

Single onomatopoeic forms can occur before the quotative marker anta (see 4.5) to form adverbs (Ramanujan 1963:147):

phakk anta `suddenly '
tlaaTT anta `all at once'
plaaTT azata `quickly'
glaoLL arzta `of laughter, guffaws'

aagi added to reduplicated forms indicates intensity:

joor jooraagi `very loudly'

Sometimes aagi is optional with simple adverbs:

beega `quickly'

4.2.2. Sentential adverbs. Some adverbs in Kannada have to be distinguished as sentential, that is, as modifying the whole sentence, rather than just the verb phrase.

nijvaaglu, avn illig bunda `truly, he came here' truly he here carne
aan nzjaaag illig banda `he truly came here' he truly here came
urn beega illig barzda `he came here quickly' he quickly here came

With sentential adverbs, it is possible to form a kind of sentence called a cleft sentence, which is not possible with nonsentcntial adverbs. With cleft sentences, the sentential adverb is moved to the end of the sentenco, after the verb; and the verb is nominalized (see 3.5.8, =1.9.5).

avn illig bandad nija `that he came here is true (it is true that he came here)'

This is not possible with nonsentential adverbs:

*aan illig bandad beega *'that he came here is quick'

Although adverbs generally occur near the verb, they can be moved around in the sentence (so called scrambling) for stylistic effect. Furthermore, emphatic participles and yes/no question markers can occur with adverbs.

aan maneeg nidhaanvaag banda
aan nidlaaanvaag maneeg banda `he came home slowly'
nidhaanaaag avn maneeg banda
avn nidhaanvaag y as maneeg banda? `did he come home slowly?'
avn maneeg nidhaanaaag taane banda `he came home slowly indeed'

Adverbs formed from nominalized adjectives (see 2.6.5) contrast with 'identity' statements (see 4.0.2) in the following way:

ad hosdtz 'that is new (permanently)'
ad hosd aag ide `that one is (now) new'

In the last example, the nominalized adjective + aagi must be followed by a form of the copula iru. This use indicates nonhabitualness, a temporary state, whereas identity statements indicate an habitual or permanent state, unlimited by time.

Since English speakers often are unclear as to when Kannada iru is the equivalent of English 'be', and when it is not, it is perhaps well to summarize briefly. In equational sentences (see 4.0.2) expressing the identity of two nouns, I'M is not present. 'I am a doctor' is translated simply naan DaakTaru. This expresses the notion that the state of being, a doctor is permanent. If this state is not permanent, but temporarv, dicn aag iru is required: naan Daah7 ar aag iddiini `I am serving as a doctor (at the moment)'. Sentences with English 'be' in the sense of 'being located' are always expressed with iru: naan tna\suurnall iddiini 'I am ire Mysore' (Bllatt 1978: 150 ff.)

1.3. Interrogatives. Qucstions or interrogative sentences arc formed in Kannada i" i Ifumber of ways. Any sentence can be made intcrrogative by adding the yes/no question marker as to almost any constituent, although the most general way is by adding it to to the last constituent, usually the finite verb. When as is added to any other constitutent, that particular item is focused upon and questioned. In general, intonation rises on aa.

avn zzaaLe uurg hoogtaane `tomorrow he will go to town' he tomorrow to town goes
aanaat naaLe uurg hoogoodu? `is it he who is going to town tomorrow?'
aan naaLen_aa T uurg hoogoodu? `is he going to town tomorrow?'
avn naaLe uurgaat hoogoodu? `is he going to town tomorrow?'
aazz naaLe uurg hoogtaanaa t ? `is he going to town tomorrow?'

Note that whenever a constituent other than the verb is questioned, the verb must be clefted (see 4.10), that is, converted into a verbal noun (see 3.5.8). It must be noted that the yes/no question marker cannot be added to any constituent of the noun phrase except the noun itself.

as oLLe huDga uurg banda `that good boy came to town'
that good boy to town came

*aa oLLeyaa huDga uurq banda? avn kate barda `he wrote a story' he story wrote

avna_a kate bardiddu? `did he write a story?'
avn kateyga bardiddu? `did he write a story?'
naare kate(en) barda hudgan nooDde `I saw the boy who wrote (I story wrote boy saw the story')
nan kate(en) bard hul~qann_aa nooDiddu? `did I see the boy who wrote the story? (is it the boy who wrote the story that I saw?)'

*naan kaleenaa bard huDgan nooDde?

4.3.1. w fi interrogatives. Kannada, like many other languages, has another kind of question, called in transformational grammar `WH-interrogatives' (because the English question words often begin with `wh ', such as `who, what, where', and so forth). In Kannada these question words usually begin with e , ee or yaa , such as elli `where', eenu `what', yaaru `who', eSTu `how much', yaavdu `which one'. These words often form sets (see 2.5.2) with noninterrogative demonstrative pronouns and adverbs; for example, elli `where' is part of a set with illi `here' and alli `there'. These interrogative words then ask questions about the location, time, amount, manner, identity, substance, and so forth, of things, and the answer to such a question is the corresponding demonstrative pronoun/adverb in i and a. That is, every constituent in the sentence can be replaced by an e word, in asking questions about those constituents.

avr he yaaru?	ninne yesterday yaavaaga?	nange to-me yaarge?	erdu pustka two books eSTu	koTru gave
			eenu?
			een maaDidru?
'yesterday (when)	he (who)	gave (to whom)	two (how many)	books' (what)

In the above sentence, it is possible to replace erDu `two' with eSTu 'how many', or to replace erDu pustka `two books' with eenu `what', or to replace erlhu pustka koTru `he gave two books' with eon maaDidru? `what did he do?'. Also, more than one interrogative pronoun/ adverb can occur in a sentence, as in:

yaarn el rtooDidri `whom did you see where?' whom where you saw

In general, when e words occur in a sentence, interrogative as cannot occur, unless it is a sort of secondary question in which one asks a question about another question:

"eon?" ant lreel.idnaa? 'did he say , "What"'
"what" quotative he said Q

L'suallv, in such double interrogatives, intonation, which usually rises on aa, will fall.

4.3.2. Reduplicated N' H interrogatives. When e words are reduplicated (repeated twice in succession) the meaning is `distributive'.

ell elli? `where all'
eerz eenu? `what all'
yaar yaaru? `who all'
ell el hoogidri? `where all did you go? (to what different places did you go?)'

If case markers are added, they are added to only the last of the doublet:

yaar yaarg koTri? `to what different persons did you distribute

4.3.3. Tag questions. In tag questions speakers follow a declarative sentence with the equational negative particle alla (see 4.4.1) plus interrogative aa: allavaa. This is used to verify all kinds of propositions, equational and others.

niiv bandidri, alvaa? `you came, didn't you?'
niiv shiurao, alaaa? `you are Shivarao, aren't you?'

Unlike English, where the verb or auxiliary verb must be repeated, with a pronoun, in Kannada allaaaa is used with any utterance, even if the original utterance is negative.

avn uuTa rrzaaDlilla, alaaa? `he didn't eat, did he?'

4.3.4. Adjectival use of WH interrogatives. When e words are used adjectivally, they impart an exclamatory rather than interrogative meaning:

ad eST cennaag ide! `how good (beautiful) that is!'
that how much good is

auh enn kaSTa paTLu! `what trouble she had!'
she what trouble felt

In such exclamations, intonation usually falls and then rises slightly tewv<rrd the end of the sentence. In sane cases ,gottaa? `do you know?' is added after the exclamatory sentence:

ad eST connaag ide gottaa? `(do you know) how good (beautiful)
that is!'

4.3.5. W H interrogatives with clitics and concessive. When clitics and the concessive aadaruu (see 4.8.8) are added to wH interrogatives, the notion of interrogation is not present.

allig yaaroo bartaar ante `I've heard/it seems someone's
there to someone will come quote coming there'

allig yaarnaadruu kaLsu `send someone there'

4.3.5.1. W H questions with oo. When the clitic oo is added to the interrogative pronouns/adverbs, the interrogative meaning is replaced by a meaning equivalent to `some wh or other'.

yaar oo `someone or other'
ell oo `somewhere or other'
een oo `something or other'
eST oo `some amount or other'

yaar bandru? `who came?'
yaaroo bandru `someone or other came'

Both examples presuppose that someone came, but in the first, the speaker requests information about who it was, while in the second a statement is made that some person, probably not known to the speaker, came. Further, the implication is not only that he does not know, but does not care to know the information is not important. Often gottilla `(I) don't know' occurs with such sentences:

yaaroo bandru, gottilla `someone or other came, I don't know who'
aan elligoo hoog beeku, gottilla `he has to go somewhere or other, I don't know where'

*avL elligoo hoog beeku, gottide `she had to go someplace or other, I know where'

*rzaan elligoo ltooglilla *`I didn't go somewhere or other'

Note that WH interrogatives with oo cannot occur in negative sentences. In such cases, uu would be used instead (see 4.3.5.4).

naan elligoo hooglilla 'I didn't go anywhere'

4.3.5.2. W H interrogatives + Verb l + oo, a word + Verb`,. When the particle oo is added to a verb following a W is interrogative followed by the corresponding remote demonstrative pronoun/adverb and another verb, a kind of comparative construction is formed:

acre eST koTnoo, aST tinde `I ate as much as (whatever) he how much gave that much I ate he gave (me) (however much he gave, I ate)'

aaL el hoodloo, al naanuu hoode `I went wherever she went she where went there I too went (wherever she went, I also went)'

These sentences can also be translated `no matter wh X did, Y also did', in addition to `wh ever X did, Y did' (see Bhatt 1978: 425 ff.).

4.3.5.3. WH interrogatives with aadaruu. The concessive (see 4.8.8) of the verb aagu `become', aadaruu (literally, `even if it becomes') may be added to e words to mean `some wh ' or `some X'. Use of this form makes things more specific and less doubtful than use of oo (see 4.3.5.1). It refers to some one or thing in a presupposed set, whereas with oo nothing is presupposed or even known.

yaaroo bartaare `someone or other (not known) will come'
yaar aadruu bartaare `someone (known/expected) will come'
*nang gottiroo yaaroo bartaare
to me known someone or other will come
*'some unknown person known to me will come'
nazzggottiroo yaaraadruu bartaare `someone known to me will
to me known someone will come come'

Note that aadaruu cannot be used with interrogative pro forms in negative or past tense marked sentences.

*illag yaaraadruu barolla *'someone will not come here'
illig yaaruu barolla `no one will come here'
*na~zrze naazz elgaadruu hoode *'yesterday I went anywhere'
uiuuo nacirz elloo hoode `yesterday I went somewhere'

With the negative, uu is used, and with the past, oo would be used. It may be used in the interrogative, however.

naaLe niiv elgaadruu hoogtiiraa? `are you going somewhere
tomorrow you somewhere are going? tomorrow?'

4.3.5.4. W H interrogatives with uu. The clitic uu (see 4.11.4) can be added to WH interrogatives to indicate totality, that is, `everywh ': `everyone, everywhere, everything, always', and so forth. Most of these, however, are used only with the negative, to mean `no wh ': `nowhere, no one, never', and so forth. Only yaaaaagluu `always' may be used either positively or negatively in a declarative sentence.

yaaruu `everyone' + illa ==> yaaruu illa `nobody, no one'
elliguu `everywhere' + illa ==>ellaguu illa `nowhere'
eenuu `everything' + illa ==>eenuu illa `nothing'

yaavaagluu bartaane `he always comes'
yaavaagluu barolla `he never comes'
elguu hoogolla `he doesn't go anywhere'
*elguu laoogtaane `he goes everywhere'

Some dialects do permit the use of yaavudu as a positive quantifiier in the sense of `each, all, every' but not this one. The above negative sentences can also be interrogativized:

yaaz,aagluu baroluaa? `doesn't he ever come?'
niia elguu hooglilvaa? `didn't you go anywhere?'
il yaaruu barlilvaa? `didn't anyone come here?'

4.4. Negation. Negative forms in Kannada have been classified as synthetic and analytic (Andronov 1959:60). The analytic forms have been found to be more prevalent in colloquial speech while the synthetic forms are more common in literary Kannada. In modern SK the synthetic forms do occur in limited cases, such as negative finite forms, negative participial nouns, and so forth. In these forms it is difficult to isolate a negative particle or morpheme; in many cases the absence of some other marker or morpheme signifies negative (for example, see negative modals 3.6.1 ff.). The analytic forms, by contrast, are more transparent and obvious, and there is usually a negative particle, often (i)lla present to mat°k negation. Sometimes the analytic and synthetic forms coexist, but with contrasting meaning. As noted earlier (sec 3.G.7), negative and affirmative (or positive) forms do not match one to one in Kannada, so that it is not always possible to sav that one form or sentence is tlao neo,ativ°e of some other form or sentence. Often it is necessary to determine the scope of tire negative, that is, what part of the sentence is being negated, before determining what the negative form is.

Negation in SK has not been thoroughly studied. Some sources (Biligiri 1959) list only two negatives; others, such as Upadhyaya and Krishnamurthy (1972) give three or four forms but do not contrast their semantics sufficiently to give an adequate idea of what is what. Sources disagree, for example, as to whether the present future negative is with olla (Bright 1958, Biligiri 1959) or ally (Upadhyaya and Krishnamurthy 1972) although it is quite possibly just a sociological difference; they also disagree over whether it is a present or future form. All the forms I have been able to isolate are given below, and I try to distinguish semantically among them as sharply as possible, recognizing also that there is a great deal of variation in the system, so that not all speakers recognize all forms and distinctions possible in the system. This is clearly an area that needs more work before a definitive statement can be made.

4.4.1. Finite negative forms. A synthetic negative form is formed by adding PNG (see 3.4.1) directly to the verb stem (Spencer 1950:67).

naanu maaD enu `I do/will not do (it)'
avanu maaD anu `he does/will not do (it)'
avaLu maaD aLu `she does/will not do (it)'

Most of these forms occur only in LK, but sometimes the first person singular form will occur in SK, especially without the nu.

swan maaDe `I will not do (it)'

More commonly, the analytic negative is used; it is formed by adding the negative markers illa/alla to the verb. I'Ila is the negative of the copula iru whereas alla is the negative of aagu `become'. illa negates propositions, whereas alla negates identity statements (equational sentences) (Amritavalli 1979). Analytic negative forms are the same for all persons, that is, they do not agree with subjects in PNG.

avr mecSTr alla `he is not a teacher'
id hosd alla 'this is not (a) new (one)'
ttaart i.VDvaadal illa `I am not in India'
avn urgg hoogl illa 'he didn't go to the town'

4.4.2. Past negative. When illa is added to the infinitive (in al) (see 3.2) a past tense negative form results. These forms cannot occur with naaLe `tomorrow' although they can occur with iaattu `today' because there is usually some time that has elapsed between the beginning of the day and the speech event.

avn ninne/ivat nan maneeg barlilla `he didn't come to my house yesterday/ today'

*aan naaLe nan maneeg barlilla *'he didn't come to my house tomorrow'

4.4.3. Present future (habitual) negative. This nonpast negative is formed in LK by adding illa to the verbal noun (see 3.5.8). In SK this form is shortened as follows:

LK maaDu+au+du + illa ==> SK maaDood illa ==> maaD olla `doesn't/won't do'

LK hoogu+vu+du + illa ==> SK hoogood illa ==>hoog olla `doesn't/ won't go'

By various phonological rules (seel.4.5.1 ff.), these sequences are reduced from uvudilla to oodilla to olla (and for some speakers, alla; see Upadhyaya and Krishnamurthy 1972). For most speakers, forms in oodilla are felt to be more formal (closer to LK) than in olla, but with no difference in meaning (other than "social" meaning). For some speakers, the more formal forms are felt to be more emphatic or more universal than more contracted forms in olla ( allay.

naan aura laoogoodilla/hoogolla `I don't usually go to town/ I won't (be) going) to town'

avn ii kclsa naaaDoodilla/naaaDolla `he doesn't usually do this work/he won't (be) doling) this work'

When forms like these are emphasized, the underlying verbal noun (nominalized verb) appears:

nacre uug hoogood ee illa `I almost never go to town'

Habitual action can also be iterative, that is, repeated, in the sense that a number of repeated actions (or instances <>f failure to repeat) can be construed as habitual; 'habitually not going', for example, consists of repeated acts of not going, starting in the past and continuing through the present into the future. Such statements of habitual action often then refer to characteristic qualities of the subjects, or to universal truths regarding them.

hasu maamsa tinnoodilla/tinnolla `cows don't eat meat'

4.4.4. Perfective negative. When illa is added to the past participle (past stem, in most cases, see 3.5.2), a perfective negative is formed. This is because illa is the negative of iru, which can be used as a perfective aspect marker (see 3.8.9).

aan band illa `he hasn't come'
nvL heel illa `she hasn't said (something)'
avr koTT illaa `they haven't given (something)'

Since the past participle is the past stem minus d , the short vowel i is also deleted (see 1.3.6); the resultant form may with some verbs be very close in form to the past negative:

heel illa`hasn't said'
heel illa (which becomes heeLLilla) `didn't say'

For verbs whose past participle is not the same as their past stem, such as hoogu `go', the form is hoogilla `hasn't gone'.

4.4.5. Durative negative. The durative negativ°_ is formed by negating iru following the durative aspect marker ttaa (see 3.8.10) either in the present or perfective (see 4.4.4).

bartaa illa (hart illa) `isn't coming'
hoogtaa illa (hoot illa) `isn't going'
bartaa iddilla (hart iddilla) `wasn't coming'
hoogt(aa) iddilla `wasn't going'

4.4.6. Negative of iru. Since iru has some tense forms that other verbs do not have (see 3.4.1.2, 3.4.5.5), it also has some negative forms not shared by other verbs. illa as a general negative has already been mentioned (see 4.4.1). In addition, there is a past tense formed by adding illa to irzz: iralilla `wasn't'. Future habitual is formed by adding uvudilla, which shortens to oodilla and then olla ( allay: irolla `won't be' (see 4.4.3).

naare baron aarSa aNDyaadal irolla `I won't be in India next year'

Perfective negative is formed by adding illa to the past of iru: iddilla `hasn't been'.

naare nim maneel iddilla `I haven't been in your house'

4.4.7. Negative participles. There are both adjectival and verbal negative participles in Kannada. They are tenseless, in contrast to the affirmative (positive) participles (see 3.5), although some distinctions of tense can be made by the use of aspectual verbs.

4.4.7.1. Adjectival negative participles. A negative adjectival participle is formed by adding ada to a verb stem.

Affirmative Participle	Negative Participle
bar-oo huDga	bar-ad huDga
'the boy who comes'	'the boy who does not come'

A past negative adjectival participle can be formed by adding ada to the perfective negative (see 4.4.4).

band huDga	bandillad huDga
`the boy who came'	'the boy who didn't come'

A durative negative adjective participle can be formed by adding ada to the durative negative (see 4.4.5).

bart(aa) iron huDga	bart(aa) illad lauDga
'the boy who is coming'	`the boy who isn't coming'

The negative adjective participle of iru is simply the negative stem illplus ada, and can be translated 'not being' as well as `without'.

4.4.7.2. Negative verbal participle. The negative verbal participle is marked by adding ade to the verb stem. This form has a meaning of 'not doing/having done such and such' or `without doing something'. It is tenseless, although aspectual distinctions can be made by using the perfective aspect marker iru (see 3.8.9) in the negative (that is, by attaching illado to the past positive verbal participle (see 3.5.2).

naan tinde hoode `I went without eating'
niiv ciila tand ild idre, naanee koDtiini `if you haven't brought a bag, I'll give you one'

Usually the main verb following a negative participle is positive, but sometimes it may be followed by a negative aspectual verb, in which case the two negatives cancel each other out. That is, the two following sentences are roughly equivalent in meaning (D.N.S. Bhat 1977:5:

raaju as sinma nooDde biUlilla `Raju managed to see that movie with great effort'
Raja that movie without seeing did not leave

raaju as sinma nooU biTTa `Raja managed to see that
Raju that movie having seen left movie with great effort'

In these usages, the aspect marker 6iDu (see 3.8.2 gives a meaning here of doing something with great effort, but only if the two verbs are either both positive or both negative.

4.4.8. Negative modals. For a discussion of the negative forms of modal verbs, see 3.6.1. 6.

4.5. Quotative verb. Kannada has a verb annul which has a number of special phonological, syntactic, and semantic properties not shared by other verbs. It is essentially a quotative verb, that is, what precedes it is meant by the speaker to indicate that he or she is not the person who originally said something, but is quoting some other source. The quotative verb can occur as a main verb, instead of verbs such as heeLu `say, speak, tell', maataaDu `speak, converse', or as a verbal participle marking the end of the quotative material, followed then by a main verb such as heeLu, maataaDu, keeLu `hear, ask', and so forth.

avn bartiini anda 'he said, "I will come"' he I come said

avn bartiini anta heeLda `he said, "I will come"'
he I come having said said

beesgeel haN beeg keT hoogatte antaare `they say summer in trait soon bad goes they say fruit spoils
beesgeel halt/ beeg keT hoogatte ant heeLtaare quickly having said they say in summer'

When anta occurs in the participle form before another verb, its translation is redundant (even though many grammars will translate it as 'having said' or `thinking thus', etc.). It merely serves to set off quoted material from nonquoted material, and acts thus as a sort of overt quotation mark, the way some English speakers may say "unquote."

anta also occurs in many other constructions that are in structure like quotative sentences, but in some of these no direct or indirect quotation is meant. These will be dealt with below. annu is unusual phonologically in that its initial vowel is often deleted following a word ending in a vowel, and this preceding vowel is then lengthened. Thus for example beeku + anta often becomes beekuu nt(a), as in the examples (a) and (b) in 4.5.3.

4.5.1. Reported speech. When speakers want to report that some unidentified source has said something, they use a slightly different form, ante, following the (last) finite verb in the sentence. ante may be translated in a number of ways: `it seems', `it is reported that', `apparently', `allegedly', `I guess (that)', `it looks like. . .', `supposed to', `they say (that)', and so forth.

avr naaLe kelsa maaDtaar ante `apparently he'll work tomorrow'
aar meeSTr ante `it seems he is a teacher'/he seems to be a teacher'
avn il bar hood ante `they say he may come here'
niiv naaLe hoog beek ante `you're apparently to go tomorrow'

avr ingla.'VDnal profesar aag iddaar ante
`he's supposed to have been a professor in England'

4.5.2. Direct and indirect speech. In Kannada there is no marked difference between direct and indirect speech. Unlike English, where the verb of the quoted sentence agrees in tense with the verb in the quoting sentence, and/or modals change to a subjunctive form (`will' to 'would', etc.), only pronouns + PNG markers of the embedded sentence change.

Inaao bartiinaJ ant heeLde `I said, "I will come"' or `I said I would come'

yaaait bartiiniJ ant heel da `he said, "I will come"'

Since the two subjects in the first example are the same, it can be either direct or indirect. The following is of course not grammatical:

*naan bartaane ant heeLda

in this example the subject naanu does not agree with either of the verbs. When the subject of the main verb and of the embedded verb are the same, one may be deleted, and the other may occur either before or after the embedded sentence as in:

fnaan bartiiniJ ant heeLde or [bartiinij ant naan heeLde]
`I said I would come' or `I said, "I will come"'

When subjects of the two sentences are not the same, then scrambling the order of the sentence in the following way is not possible:

*naan bartaane ant aUn heeLde

4.5.3. Intent. Instead of using a lexical verb such as manassiru or nirdharisu to express intent, Kannada usually uses one of a number of different constructions involving modals, the quotative marker anta, and sometimes the copula iru.

(a) naan uurg hoogooNaa nt idde `I intended to go to the town'
(b) naan uurg hoog beekuu nt idde `I intended to go to the town'
(c) naan uurg hoog beekuu nt iddiini 'I intend to go to the town'
(d) naan uurg hoogooNaa nt iddiini ` I intend to go to the town'
(e) naan uurg hoog beekuu nt ide 'I intend to go to the town'

These sentences differ in that some use annu as a lexical (main) verbas in antidde `I said' whereas others use it as a quotative marker, followed by forms of iru. Some use a PNG and tense marked verb, while others use modals beeku `must' and ooNa `may, let's'. Finally, (e) uses a dative (impersonal) construction `to me it is that I must go'. In meaning these forms differ primarily in the degree of certainty involved in the intent. Some might be translated merely `I feel like doing X' or `I have a notion to X' while others are more `I definitely intend to do X'. Sentence (a) is more definite than the others, for example; those with modals are less certain than those with PNG marked verbs, and the modal beeku makes things stronger than the modal ooNa.

Less certain would be constructions like the following:

avn bar beekuu ~ nt ir boodu 'he may be thinking about the
bar ooNa possibility of coming'

`he's probably intending not to
avn bar baarduu nt ir boodu come/he's probably not intending Ito come'

avn bandru bar boodu `he may just possibly come'

Intent constructions may also use lexical verbs such as yoocane maaDu 'brood over, cogitate', tiirmaana maal)u `decide', none `think', as well as nouns such as yoocane `thought' and tiirmaana `decision'.

4.5.4. Limit on embedded sentences. By the use of anta one sentence can be contained or "embedded" in another. There is theoretically no limit to the number of sentences that can be embedded in another sentence, just as in English one can theoretically get infinitely long strings like `I said that he said that I said that he said... (etc.)'

(((avn bartiinii nt)S heeLdaa nt)S heeLidluu nt)S heeLtaare

`they said that she said that he said that he would come'

In this example, three sentences, Si, S2, and S3 are embedded in S4. There are some restrictions on the tense markers and pronouns that occur in such embeddings they must make sense; for example, the following is slightly strange:

Inaan bartiini ntJ S [heeLtiinii ntJ S heel beeku]

`I must say that I am saying that I am coming' whereas the following, with an embedded past tense, is acceptable:

naan I bartiinii nt ~ heeLdee nt heeL beeku bandee nt
`I must say that I said that I am coming/came'

If such sentences seem strange, one might imagine these kinds of assertions being called for in a court of law; the general limit on embeddings has more to do with speakers' limits of patience and/or memory than on any inherent limits in the language.

4.5.5. Obstinate negative. Usually quotative sentences with annu or anta require rational subjects, because usually only rational beings can speak. There are some cases where quotative verbs occur in sentences with nonrational subjects; since there can be no question of quotation with nonrational subjects, we must consider these constructions not to be quotative, but to have some other meaning, such as personification.

kaar hoogollaa node `the car refuses to move' car won't go it says

The literal meaning here is `the car says it won't go', but since cars cannot speak, we must interpret this and other sentences like it to mean `X refuses to Y'. This kind of construction I call "obstinate negative". Other examples:

huDga skuulg hoogollaa ntaane `the boy refuses to go to school'
baTTe oNgollaa node `the clothes refuse to dry'

In the first, the subject is indeed rational, so there is no restriction on the rationality or nonrationality of the subject.

4.5.6. Specific purpose. When quotative antg occurs following the dative case of a noun or verbal noun (see 2.3.4), the meaning is that something is specifically reserved for or dedicated to the use of some group or individual. As such, anta ought to be considered a postposition used with the dative case (see 2.4.2) since it is very close in meaning to the postposition ooskara `for the sake of

mahL aaT aaDlikk ant and tooTa all ide
children playing for one garden there is
`there is a garden there especially for children to play in'

In the example just given, the dative suffix is attached to the infinitive (see 3.2), itself originally a verbal noun form.

arasru tam heNtig ant and aramane kaTdaru
king his wife for one palace built 'the king built a palace especially for his wife'

With beeku, anta may also occur to indicate purposefulness:

aun beekuu nt maaDda `he did it on purpose'

The modal must be in the affirmative, otherwise this meaning is not found:

*aUn beeDaa nt maaDda *'he did it on unpurpose'

4.5.7. Other uses of anta. The quotative particle ants is used also in relative clause constructions (see 4.9), with onomatopoeic expressions, and with adverbs (see 4.2). It is useful to remember that it functions very much like the the English complementizer (relative pronoun) `that', as in `I know that he is coming'. It can therefore be used with any verb that can take a complement following `that', that is, the Kannada equivalents of `know, suppose, think, feel, realize, say, tell, teach', and so forth.

aarig kannaDa barattee nt gott ide `(I) know that he knows
to him Kannada comes that is known Kannada'

ii mane nimdee nt tiL koND bartaa ir beeku `you must consider that this house is yours and come often'
this house yours that knowing/considering coming be must

ad mundin tingLu mugyattee nt iT koLLooNa
it next month finishes that let us assume `let us take for granted that it will be over by next month'

haag maaUuu nt heeL beeku `we must say that (one should) do that'
thus do that say must (like)

4.6. Imperative sentences. Imperative sentences function to make commands or requests of the person spoken to. Generally, second person pronouns are considered to be the subjects of these imperative sentences and the verbs are never marked for tense or PNG on the surface level. They are in most cases identical to the verb stem (see 3.1) with additional suffixes for politeness or lack of it. The use of the bare stem alone is equivalent to the nonpolite imperative, for example, hoogu `go!'. In addition, there is also what we might call an impolite or casual form consisting of verb stem plus the suffix oo (for masculine) or ee (for feminine), for example, hoogoo `go on, get out!'. These forms are used only with small children or between intimate friends; otherwise their use is demeaning and insulting. The polite or plural form consists of verb stem plus suffix i, for example, hoogn `please go' or 'you (plural) go'. Beyond this, there is an even more polite form consisting of verb stem plus the suffix ri, for example, hoogri `please go'. Finally, for very polite entreaties, the reflexive pronoun taavu may be used with ri: taaau hoogri `I beg of you most humbly to go'.'
When the verb stem ends in i, as many verbs do, there is no nonpolite form in u, so the bare stem in i is used. For politeness the form in ri is used.

Verbs are listed below in ascending order of politeness:

i Stems Other Stems

	i- Stems	Other Stems
Impolite, casual	kuDyoo (masc.)	hoogoo (masc.)
	kuDyee (fem.)	hoogee (fem.)
Nonpolite	kuDi	hoogu
Polite, plural	kuDiiri	hoogi
Very Polite	kuDiiri	hoogri
Ultrapolite	taavu kuDiiri	taavu hoogri

The pronoun that would be used (is understood) with the impolite and the nonpolite imperatives is nii(nu) `you (sing.)', whereas with the polite and very polite, the pronoun niiau `you (plural, polite)' is understood. With the ultrapolite, taaau is explicitly indicated.
Reduplication of imperative forms intensifies the forcefulness of the command:

hooghoogu `go, go!' or `get going!'

hoogri hoogri `please go!'

4.6.1. Negative imperative. The negative imperative, or prohibitive, is formed by adding baaradu (historically a negative form of the verb baa/bar `come'), beeDa (the negative of the modal beeku `must'; see 3.6.1.4) or kuuDadu (`prohibitive'; see 3.6.2) to the infinitive (with loss of al) as shown below.

hoog baardu `don't go' (impersonal: 'one doesn't do it')
hoog beeDa `don't go' (more personal: `you shouldn't do it')
hoog kuuDdu `you mustn't/shouldn't go'

'these forms can be made polite by adding i, ri, and taaau. . . ri:

bar beeDi `please don't come'
bar beeDri `I beg you not to come'
taavu bar beeDri `I most humbly beseech you not to come'

Some scholars consider the hortative form in ooNa `let's do (such and such)' to be an imperative. I prefer to treat it as a modal (see 3.6.6).

4.7. Reduplicatives. Reduplication (repeating a word more than once) is a process used in Kannada (as in many South Asian languages) to provide various semantic functions such as intensification, emphasis, addition, distribution, enumeration, and so forth. The reduplication may be partial (only part of a word is repeated) or full (the whole word is repeated) with or without any other intervening morpheme.

4.7.1. Intensification or emphasis. When adverbs such as jooru 'fast' arc reduplicated, this emphasizes the qualities of the constituent modified. (This may be more common in women's speech, especially with tumba 'much'.)

avn joor-joor-aagi ooDda `he ran very fast'
avn tumba tumba keTTavanu `he is a very bad person'
avr beeg-beeg bandru `he/she came very quickly'

Verbs (but usually only in the affirmative) can also be reduplicated for emphasis by taking the stem (see 3.3) form of the finite verb, adding emphatic marker ?ee (see 4. 11.1), and then the finite verb.

avaL hoogee hoogtaaLe `she will definitely go'
avn maaDee maaDtaane `he will definitely do it'

Modal verbs (see 3.6) can also occur reduplicated, but if they have infinitive forms, that form is what is repeated:

niiv hoog beeDavee beeDa

you go not wanted emphatic not want
'vou shouldn't go at all; you definitely shouldn't go'

nii barkuuDalee kuuDdu `you definitely shouldn't come'
nang beekee beeku `I just want it, that's all'

However, those modals that are truly defective (see 3.7) and therefore do not have infinitives simply reduplicate the root (beeDa, beek-). To indicate prolonged duration, duratively marked verbs (sec 3.8.10) can be reduplicated, but usually in an adverbial clause modifying the action of the main clause.

avan hoogtaa hoogtaa iddaaga, daariil and bhaaai siktu
he going going being then road in one well found `as he kept on going, he found a well on the way'
aaL maataaDtaa maataaDtaa, suurya muLugda
`as she kept on talking, the sun set'

Imperatives can also be reduplicated, as in section 4.6.

4.7.2. Distribution. Pronouns (see 2.5), demonstrative pronouns (see 2.5.1), and other demonstrative pro forms (see 2.5.2) can be reduplicated to give a sense of `distribution', that is, that there is a set of things, qualities, locations, manners, and so forth, that are found in different times and places.

een een beeku? `what all do you need? (what different varieties of things. . .?)'

yaar yaar bandru? `who all came? (what different people came?)'
eST eST koTri? `what different amounts did you give?'
elg elg hoodru? `where all did they go? (to what different places?)'
avr avr makL aar avrg muddu `each one's child is lovable to him/her'

4.7.3. Enumeration. When numerals (see 2.7.1) are reduplicated, it has the function of enumerating pairs, sets, and so on, of things.

il erD erD jana bar beeku `have people come in pairs'
here two two people come must
naakLag ayd ayd miTaayi koDi `give five candies to each child'
to children five five candies give

4.7.4. Echo word reduplication. When a word is partially reduplicated with another syllable usually gi(i) or pa(a) before the partially reduplicated portion, the meaning is `X and things like it'.

lauli gill' `tigers or other animals (like them)'
aaTa giiTa `games or other diversions'
mane gine `houses or other buildings'
uuTa giiT 'food or other edibles'

When the word begins with any syllable other than gi, then gi(i) is the syllable prefixed to the partially reduplicated form: hu 11 gi li (`tigers and other animals'). When the word begins with gi, pa(a) is the syllable used on the reduplicated portion:

giLi paLi `parrots or other birds'
giiTu paaTu `lines or other markings'

Note that if the vowel of the first syllable is long, the vowel in the reduplicated syllable will also be long (gii or paa). Sometimes pa(a) is also used with words that do not begin with gi(i) in which case there is a difference of disjunction versus conjunction:

uuTa giiTa `food and other edibles'
uuTa paaTa `food or other edibles'
tiNDi giNDi `snacks and other munchies'
tiNDi paNDi `snacks or other munchies'

4.7.5. Reduplication of onomatopoeic forms. Kannada (like most South Asian languages) has onomatopoeic forms that can be reduplicated before the quotative verb (see 4.5) to form adverbial expressions.

avn Tak Tak ant hooda `he went mechanically'
caDiyirzda chat chat ant hoDda `he hit briskly with the whip'
niir kut kuta ant kudiitu `the water was about to boil'

4.8. Conditional. Conditional or `if' clauses are formed in Kannada by the addition of are to the past stem (see 3.10). The conditional (`if') clause precedes the result (`then') clause, which simply has a finite verb. Since are is added to the past stem, no tense distinctions arc possible in this formation; the tense of the conditional verb is determined by the tense of the main verb in the `then' clause. No PNG is possible with these formations, either, so conditional) marked verbs are the same for all persons, numbers, and genders.

bandre `if one comes/if you come/if he comes, etc.'
koTre `if one gives/if she gives/if they give, etc.'
avr bandre, aar jote hoogtiirzi `if he comes, I will go with him'
naan keeGidro, niin heeL. bee ku `you must answer if I ask (you)'

4.8.1. Future conditional. A future conditional can be formed by affixing the conditional of aagu 'become' (aadrco) to a verbal noun (sec 3.5.8).

koDood aadre `if (it comes about that) one has to give'
barood aadre `if (it happens that) one (has to) come(s)'

4.8.2. Conditionally marked aspectual verbs. Aspectually marked verbs (see 3.8) may also be conditionalized, in which case the aspect marker (marked for past tense) carries the conditional marker are.

aan band biTre niin hoog beeDa `if it turns out that he comes, you needn't go'
niiv mugsiddre nang koDi `if you have finished ~it), then give (it) to me'
niiv koDtta iddre, naan togootiini `if you are giving (things), I'll take (some)'

4.8.3. Conditional of modals. i'vlodals may be conditionally marked by adding the conditional of aagu `become'.

beek aadre `if (you) like'
avr bar beek aadre naan barolla `if he must come, I won't come'
aarig beek aadre naan koDtiini `if he needs (them), I will give (them)'

Note that in the second sentence, dative subject sentences may also be conditional ized.

4.8.4. Conditional of quotative verb. Instead of aadre (which incidentally also means `but') the conditional of the quotative verb annu (see 4.5) may also be used to conditionalize other verbs.

avrzg beek andre naan koDtiini `if he needs (them), I'll give (them)'

4.8.5. Topics, factives, focus. This form (andre) may also follow regular finite verbs as well as modals, and it may be used as a topicalizer or focus marker. When a finite verb precedes andre the meaning is often `factive', that is, `if it is true that V. When a noun phrase precedes andre the focusive meaning can often be translated `as far as X is concerned, regarding X' as well as the more literal `if (someone) says X'.

sienna andre hang huccu `I'm just crazy about movies (concerning movies...)'

makL andre avLig tumba priiti `now (as for) children, she really loves (them)'
kelsa maaDood andre avnig aagolla 'when it comes to working, he doesn't perform'
hoop baard andre, hoop baardu `if I say you shouldn't go, don't go'
aan kelsa maaDtaan andre, duD koDtiini `I will give him the money if it is true that he is going to work'

4.8.6. Conditional + emphatic. When the conditional marker is followed by the emphatic taanee the implication is that the speaker has some doubt about the truth of the proposition.

aan bandre taanee naav hoogboodu `we can go only if he comes (but I doubt he will)'
cennaag oodidre taanee paas aagoodu `one can pass (the exam) only if one studies well (not the way you/he is studying)'

4.8.7. Negative conditional. The negative conditional is formed by taking the negative verbal participle (see 4.4.7.2) followed by the conditional of iru (Spencer 1950:230; Upadhyaya and Krishnamurthy 1972:175).

maaDde iddre `if (someone) doesn't do'
koDde iddre `if (someone) doesn't give'

Sometimes instead of iru, the aspectual verb hoogu (see 3.8.3) is used instead:

maaDde hoodre `if one doesn't do (it)'
nooDde hoodre `if one doesn't see (something)'

Sometimes a verb may be aspectually marked with the negative participle of iru in its perfective sense (see 3.8.9, 1.4.7.2) or (following the present participle) in its durative sense (see 3.8.10), and then followed by iru marked for conditional:

maaDtaa ilde iddre 'if (soincone) is not doing (something)'

In rapid speech by short vowel deletion (see 1.3.6) and other rules, such strings (ttaa illade iddre) may be reduced to tildidre.
maaD(u)t(taa)il(la)d(e)id(da)re ==> maaDtddidre illade iddre (or ildidre) may also occur as a sentential adverb meaning `otherwise' or `if not'.
avn bartaane; ildidre naan bartiini `he will come; otherwise I will come'

4.8.8. Concessive. The concessive is a form based on the conditional but with the clitic uu added; the meaning is `even if X' or `although X'. When uu is added the vowel e of are is deleted. Concessives may be either positive or negative.

avn bandruu naan hoogolla `even if/though he comes, I won't go'
niiv koTruu nang beeDa `even if you give (it), I don't want/need it'
naan barde hoodruu aan bartaane `even if I don't come he'll conic'
niiv kelsa maaDtaa ildidruu naan keeLLilla `even though you weren't working I didn't ask (you about it)'

4.8.8.1. The quotative marker annu + concessive. The quotative marker annu (see 4.5 and 1.8. 1 5) can also be made concessive and can follow modal verbs and nouns.

nimg beck andruu aan koDolla `even if you need it he won't
give it'

duD hoogattee ndruu avn suL heeLolla `even though he'll lose money, he won't tell a lie'

4.8.8.2 Concessive clauses following an interrogative pro form. Concessive clauses following an interrogative pro form (see 2.5.2) have the meaning `no matter wh ' or who ever':

yaar bandruti zzaan barolla `no matter who comes, I won't come'
yaaaaag hoodruu avzz manecl sikkolla `no matter when you go, he won't be at home'
aan eST prayatna maaDidrzzu saalolla `no matter how hard he tries, it won't be sufficient'

Instead of or in addition to uu, the postposition kuul)a `also' can be added, in which case the main clause is usually negative.

aazc I bandre kuuDa I naan hoogolla `even if he comes I won't go' bandru u

4.9. Relative clause construction. Relative clauses are formed in English by adding a clause whose subject is identical (coreferential) to another noun phrase in the main sentence, with `that', `who', or `which' (and some others such as `when', `where', etc.) as the relative pronoun linking the two clauses. For example, `the boy came' and `the boy is my brother' can be made into one sentence (if the two `boys' are coreferential) by deleting one `boy' and adding a relative pronoun.

`the boy (the boy came) is my brother' ~ `the boy (who came) is my brother'

`the boy (the boy is my brother) came' ~ `the boy (who is my brother) came'

Sometimes in English two sentences can be combined by converting the verb of one of them into an adjective and placing it before the noun.

`the house is infested with rats' and `the house must be torn down'
==>`the (house is infested with rats) house must be torn down' >
==> `the (rat infested) house must be torn down'

In Kannada, this process of converting the verb into an adjective and placing the whole sentence in front of the coreferential noun is the principal method used to make relative clauses. The process involves removing P1VG markers from the verb and adding an adjectival a. In the past the past tense marker is kept, but in the present the old LK future stem (see 3.=1.4) in v is used. The sequence u v a is converted into oo by phonological rules (see 1.3.6).

bare v a baron (huDga) `(the boy) who is coming/will come'
band a hzeDga `the boy who came'

The adjectival forms thus produced arc called adjectival participles (see 3.5.x). Relativization of two separate sentences thus proceeds as follows:

ninno huUga banda and as lcuDga nan Lamina 'the boy came yesterday ' 'that boy is my younger brother' ==> as Ininne huDga banda] huDga nan tamma as Ininne banda] huDga nan tamma as ninne band huDga nan tamma `that boy who came yesterday is my younger brother'

Since one of the nouns is going to be deleted when these sentences are relativized, if the noun is case marked, it will be deleted with its casemarkings, and ambiguity will then result.

naan maneeg hoode and mane as rasteel ide
'I went to the house' 'the house is in that street'

[naan maneeg hoodej mane as rasteel ide [naan hooda] mane as rasteel ide naan hood mane as rasteel ide 'the house I went to is in that street'

In English the preposition 'to' is not deleted, but the Kannada dative case marker ige is; therefore, there may arise some ambiguity, since the deleted case marker could also have well been inda 'from' or some other one. In fact the case relationships in the relative clause may have either nominative, accusative, allative ('to the side of'), instrumental, or locative function with respect to the following head noun. Of course if the case marked noun is not coreferential with another noun in another clause, it will not be deleted and will appear in the relative clause unchanged.

(a) vasanta silambug maneel pustkadind paaT(h)a heeLkoTLu
'Vasanta taught lessons to Silambu from a book at home'

(b) vasanta silambug maneel pustkadind heeLkoT(Ta) paaT(h)a
'the lessons that Vasanta taught Silambu from a book at home'

(e) vasanta sdambug maneel paaT(h)a heeLkoT(Ta) pustka
'the book that Vasanta taught Silambu lessons from at home'

(d) vasanta silanzbzzg pustkadirzd paaT(la)a heeLkoT(Ta) mane
'the home in which Vasanta taught Silambu lessons from a book'

(e) uasanda maneel pustkadind paaT(h)a heeLkoT(7a) sdambu
'Silambu to~ whom Vasanta taught lessons from a book at home'

(f) sdambug rrtarze,el pustkadintl paa7'(11)a heel koT(Ta) vasanta
'Vasanta who taught lessons to Silambu from a book at home'

Sometimes deleted case relationships will cause ambiguity for non Indian readers but not for Indian readers. For example, in the following sentence, it is clear to Indian readers that there is a locative relationship to the leaf.

silambu uuTa maaDid ele the leaf that S. ate on' (not: `the leaf that S. ate')

Sentence (e) above, with an indirect object (dative case) marker removed in the relativization process, is somewhat questionable grammatically . In Lh this sentence could be passivized, and silambu would become the subject, but since passivization is uncommon in SK, there is a degree of unacceptability here.

4.9.1. Relativization of aspect marked verbs. Verbs that are aspectually marked can also be relativized. Usually these are the perfective aspect marker ir u (see 3.8.9) and durative aspect marker ttaa iru (see 3.8.10), attached to a main verb.

al band iroo huDga 'the boy who has come there'
al band id hu Dga 'the boy who had come there'
al bartaa iroo huDga `the boy who is coming there'
al bartaa id lzuDga 'the boy who was coming there'

4.9.2. Modally marked verbs. Verbs with modals can be relativized by affixing the verbalizer aagu (see 3.11.2) and by relativizing it, but only in the past, or with iru (see 3.8.9) attached.

al bar beck aad huDga `the boy who should come there'
al bar beck aag id huDga `the boy who should have come there'
al bar beck aag iruu htuDga `the boy who should be coming there (should have been coming)' *al bar beep aaguo htuDga

4.9.3. Equational sentences. When a sentence lacks a verb, as is the case with equational sentences (see =1.0.2), the sentence can he rclativire<1 by adding aaffu in the same manner as in section 1.9.2.

(a) ad bcocoku anti ad purti,a
'that is necessary' `that is a book' ==> ad beck aad yustka 'the book that was needed'
(b) ad beck amid pustka 'the bunk that had become necessary'

Some adjectives that are formed from nouns, of course, have what amounts to the past adjectival participle of aagu, that is, aada, added to them, without which they cannot occur.

(c) sundara vaad huDgi `the girl who is beautiful'
(d) ettar vaad mara `the tree that is tall'
(e) ettar vaag id mara 'the tree that was tall'
(f) ettar v aag iroo kaTTaDa `the tall building'

Sentences (a) and (b) are distinct from a simple equational sentence such as

(g) ad oLLee kaarya `that matter is good'

in that (a) and (b) have a way of marking tense/aspect, whereas (g) is an unmarked present. The use of aada with adjectives i sdicates an inalienable or intrinsic quality or relationship; when an alienable or temporary or nonpermanent (extrinsic) quality is indicated, the adjectival participle of iru is used instead:

duDD iroo jaaga `the place that (temporarily) has wealth'

4.9.4. Complement clauses. There are some dependent clauses that do not bear any case relationship to nouns in main clauses; they have been called complement clauses. They are often used to express fact, in which case often the adjectival participle annoo (fannuaa) of the quotative verb (see 4.5) is used.

aan band id viSya 'the fact that he had come'
goopaal biidiil ku1'da anzzoo sarzgti naja `the proposition that Gopal danced in the street is true'

When it is present, a full sentence precedes it; but in its absence, the verb of the embedded sentence is made into an adjectival participle:

goopaal biidiil kuNda sangti viSaya `the report that Gopal danced in the street is true'

4.9.5. Nominalizations. When a pronoun occurs with a relative clause in front of it, we ,bet nominalized verbs (verbal nouns; sec 3.5.8), such as maaDidaclu ( o maal>iddu) 'that which (someone) did', maaDiciaz ==>anu ( maaDid oouu) 'the man who ==> did (something)'.

al band avL nan heNti `the woman who came there is my wife'
ammu kelsa maaDoorg duD ho TLu `Ammu gave money to the people who are doing the work' s

The meaning of the neuter marked verbal noun such as maaUidadu can either be `that which did', `that which was done', `the act of doing', or `the fact of doing'. Sometimes to make it expressly factive annoodu (annu z adu) is present, but if it is absent, verbal nouns are formed.

goopaal biidiil kuNda anrzood niija`(the fact) that Gopal danced in the street is true'

goopaal biidiil kuNdad nija `that Gopal danced in the street is true'

4.9.6. Negative relative clauses. Relative clauses with negative verbs can be formed by using the negative adjectival participle (see 3.5.7), formed by the addition of ada to the stem: maaD ada `the (one) who did not do X'.

il kelsa maaDad huDga yaaru? 'who is the boy who did not/does not work here?'

Since there is no tense marking of the negative participle, it can be used with any adverbial time expression and takes its tense from the
context of the sentence:

naaLe \
ivvattu > kelsa nzaaDac! huDga yaarul
ninne  /

'who {is / was} the boy who {will not / is not / did not /} worki(ing) {tomoorow / today / yesterday

However these forms can be given aspectual (perfect) meaning by the addition of the negative adjectival participle of iru (see 3.8.9).

ninny kelsa maaD illad lzuDga yaaru? `who is the boy who has not worked yesterday?'

ninno il band illad lmzDai vaarn I 'who is the girl who has not come yesterday .

Sometimes the verb hougo can be used with the negative participle to express the notion 'past'.

kelsa maaDde hood huDga yaaru? `who is the boy who didn't work (went without working)'

4.10. Clefted sentences. In Kannada, as in English, there is a kind of sentence called a cleft sentence. The process of clefting adds a degree of semantic focus to some word or phrase that is singled out by the process. Clefting in English involves taking a sentence like `I saw him yesterday at my house' and extraposing (moving to one end of the sentence, in this case the beginning) some element of this sentence while adding `it is/was'.

`it was I who saw him yesterday at my house'
`it was yesterday that I saw him at my house'
`it was he whom I saw yesterday at my house (it was him I saw...)
`it was in my house that I saw him yesterday'

In Kannada, clefting involves changing a verb marked for PNG (in agreement with the subject; see 3. 1) to neuter marking (see 2.1). Thus, if the verb were (rzaarz) nooDidde `I saw (something)' it would be changed to (naan) nooDiddu `it was 1 that saw'. If the verb is in the present, it is changed to a verbal noun (see 3.5.8); then in either case the focused part of the sentence is usually moved to the end of the sentence, after the (neuter marked) verb.

naan avnan nan maneel ninne nooDde
I him my house in yesterday saw
'I saw him yesterday in my house'

naan avrzarz rzan maneel nooDid ninrze
`it was yesterday that I saw him in my house'

naan avnan nirzne nooDid nan maneeli
`it yeas in my house that I saw him yesterday'

naan raan rnaneol ninny nooDid aUnanna
'it was him that I saw in my house yesterday'

avnan nan rnanceel ninne nooDid naanu
'it was I that saw him yesterday in my house'

Since any constituent can be cleftcd, it moves to the end of the sentence with all its case markings, attributive words (adjectives), and so forth. But not mare than one major constituent can be clefted at a time:

*naan nooDid aanan nan maneeli `it was him in my house that I saw'

For further emphasis, the extraposed constituent can have emphatic particles or words added:

naan aanan nooDid nan manee_lee `it was right in my house that I saw him'

aanan nooDid naan maatra `it was I alone who saw him'

4.10.1. Optionality of extraposition. Clefting in Kannada usually involves two processes, extraposing and changing the verb to neuter, but sometimes extraposing (particularly in the case of interrogative sentences) can be omitted. It should also be noted that interrogative cleft sentences, particularly in the present tense, are often translated with `can' or `should' or `supposed to' rather than `what it is that. . .'.

naan een maaDoodu? (instead of naan een maaDtiini?) `what can/should I do?'

naan maaDood eenu? `what am I supposed to do? (what can/ should/shall)'

naan een maaDde? `what did I do?' naan maaDid eenu?
`what is it that I have done?'
naan een maaDiddu?

4.10.2. Clefting and interrogative pro forms. When interrogative pronouns and other pro forms (see 2.5.I 2) occur as modifiers of head nouns in interrogative sentences, only the modifying interrogative pro form can be clefted; adjectives in particular cannot be clefted without the nouns they modify.

avn eST kelsa maaDda? `how much work did he do?'
avn kelsa maaDid eSTu? `how much work was it that he did?'
avn maaDid eST kelsa? 'how much work was it that he did?'
avn oLLe lzelsa maaDda `he did good work'
avn maaDid oLle kelsa 'it was good work that he did' *nun kelsa maaDidd olle

When an interrogative pronoun is present and any other constituent is extraposed, emphatic or focusive clefting does not result. Instead, only stylistic variation, or afterthought word order, is the result.

naan al eST uuTa tinde? `how much did I eat there?'
naan al eST uuTa tindiddu? `how much did I eat there?'

4.11. Clitics. Clitics are particles that can be added to any constituent of a sentence, with different semantic effect depending on the constituent. Kannada has a number of such clitics, such as the yes/no question marker as (see 4.3), the emphatic particles taance and cc, the inclusive or additive suffix uu, the indefinite or "doubtful" suffix oo, and nzaatra meaning `only'. Clitics may also include the deictic demonstrative prefixes (see 2.5.2), but here we only deal with suffixes. The grammatical category to which the clitic is suffixed is called the host; clitics themselves are the same no matter which host they are attached to; they never, however, occur in isolation.

4.11.1. The emphatic particle cc. The clitic cc is used to express emphasis. Ramanujan (1963:70) calls it an "exclusive" particle (in contrast with uu, which is inclusive). The addition of cc to a host emphasises the character of that host to the exclusion of other things or presuppositions or possibilities.

naan il banrle `I came here'
naarr ee il barzde `I myself (I alone) came here'

The addition of cc to naarzu indicates that the possibility that others also came is excluded. Emphatic cc, like all clitics, can be added to all constituents of the sentence, except to adjectives and finite verbs. When it is added to finite verbs, at the end of the sentence, the meaning is that the speaker feels that the addressee's presupposition or bchavi<~r is inappropriate. In such cases, the intonation pattern is also different, that is, it falls, then rises and falls again, but not completely.

ammu ninne lzos maneeg band-idlee ':Ammu came to the new house yesterday (so why arc you achy as if she tiudn't:')'

This seems to indicate that adjectives, as we have noted earlier, are not
constituents in deep structure, but only appear in surface structure.

ammu ninne hos maneeg bandidlu `Ammu came to the new house yesterday'
ammu ninrze hos nzaneeg bandidlu `Ammu herself came to the new house yesterday'
ammu nirane n _ee hos maneeg bandidlu `Ammu came to the new house yesterday'
ammu nirmze hos maneeg ee bandidlu `Ammu came to the new house yesterday'
ammu ninne faos maneeg barad_ee idlu `Ammu came indeed to the new house yesterday/Ammo did so come. . .'
*ammu ninne hosee/hosaaee rnaneeg bandidlu `Ammu came to the new house yesterday'

When ee is used with time expressions, it emphasizes that the time indicated is earlier than the time stipulated or expected by the speaker..

avn ayd g(h)aNTeeg ee barzdbiTTa `he came at five o'clock (rather than later)/he was here already at five o'clock'
avn ayd g(h)aNTeeg band biTTa `he came at five o'clock (as expected)'

In negative sentences, when the act referred to by the verb is emphasized, usually ee is added to the verbal noun before illa is added (see 3.5.8, 4.4.6).

avLig ad uagond biTTa 'it doesn't suit her at all'
ammu al hoogood ee illa `Ammu doesn't go there at all'

In positive sentences, the past participle (see 3.5.2) is reduplicated with cc added, followed by the finite verb:

naan barzdco bar liini 'I will certainly come/I promise I will come'
am hnng or hoogtaanr 'we will most certainly go'

We that when cc is added to the past participle, verbs that have past participles in i (such as ftoo,t~u 'ge>' and maaDn `make') delete this before ee. If the verb has a modal auxiliary, either the verb, in its infinitive form, or the modal reduplicated, has the emphatic particle added.

niia hoogl ee beeku `you must definitely go'
niia hoog beekee beeku `you absolutely have to go'
avr hoog kuuDL ee kuuDdu `he shouldn't go at all'

4.11.2. The `verificatory' oo. When the clitic oo is added to a constituent, it indicates that the speaker has some doubt or uncertainty about the host of the clitic, or is trying to clarify some uncertainty or express surprise he has about some element of the proposition. Also, it may indicate that the speaker has just realized that some presupposition he had about the situation has now been confirmed.

vasarzta naaLe uurg hoogtaaLe `Vasantha goes to the tillage tomorrow'
(oohoo) vasarztan oo naaLe uurg hoogoodu `(oh, now I understand) it's Vasantha that's going to the village tomorrow, is it?'
(oohoo) aasanta naaLeen oo uurg hoogoodu '(oh, now I get it) it's tomorrow that V. is going to the village, is it?'
(oohoo) vasanta naaLe uurgoo hoogoodu `(oh, now I get it) it's to the village that V. is going tomorrow, is it?'
(oohoo) vasanta naaLe uurg hoogtaaLoo? `oh, so Vasantha is going to the village tomorrow, is she?'

The difference between the use of oo and interrogative as in these sentences is that with as the speaker is asking for information about the truth value of the sentence or its constituents, whereas here he is asking for confirmation of his belief about something. When the sentence is ncaative, the opposite of the proposition is believed by the speaker, who wants to confirm his belief. oo can also he added to a constituent as a topicalirer, in which case that constituent is extraposed to the beginning of the sentence. In this sense it can often be translated into Errylish as 'as for X' or 'well/crow, X'.

aznaoo, erD doose tinda `as for him, he ate two pancakes'
uuroou, vasanta naal.ee hoogtaul.o 'as for the village V. is going tomorrow

4.11.3. Dubitative and disjunctive oo. When two or more of the same type of constituent have oo added to them, the meaning is 'eithcr...or'.

avn oo naare oo rzaaLe nim rnaneeg bartiiai `either he or I will come to your house'
avw dooseerzoo iDLiinoo tirzda `he ate either pancakes or rice cakes.'
*annoo naanoo ninne bandvi ?`either he or I came yesterday (I'm not sure which)'

Note that this cannot be used in the past when the facts of the situation arc already known. In some dialects, when oo is added to case marked nouns, case markings, especially accusative, are obligatory. When oo is added to Interrogative pro forms, indefinite pro forms are created having the mcaning'some wh or other' or `wh ever' (see 2.5.2).

ninuo vaar oo baudr u `yesterday somebody or other came'
naaL e'vaar oo bartaare `someone or other will come tomorrow'
*niuno vaar oo barlilla *'someone or other didn't come yesterday'

Note that oo may not be used with negative past forms.

4.11.4. The additive/inclusive particle uu. When uu is added to a constituent of a sentence, it gives the meaning `too' or `also'.

ammo ninne dooseezz uu tindlu `Ammo ate dose also'

This presupposes the presence of something in addition to the host conStltnent.
uu can be added to any constituent except adjectives ()r to finite verbs.

amrnuun uu ninne dooso tirxdlu `Ammu also ate dose yesterday'
ammo nirzrzecon uu dooso tiudlu `Ammo ate dose yesterday also' "
ammu ninne doosco tirzdl uu ammu ninne bosaa baTTe haak lzo.VDl a `Ammu wore a new dress yesterday'

*.Ammu ninne hosa vrzu baTTe haah koNDl.u *Ammu wore a new also dress yesterday'

The particle uu is used to conjoin two similar constituents with the me,mino 'and'. usually these are nouns only. when verbs or sentences are conjoined, the first verb is in the form of the past participle (sec 3.5.2), but no uu is used.

ammuun uu silambuun uu ninne doose tindru `Ammu and Silambu ate dose yesterday'
ammu ninne dooseen uu iDLiin uu tindlu `Ammu ate dose and idli yesterday'

When uu is added to interrogative pro forms in negative sentences (sec 2.5.2), the meaning is `no wh'.

avn ell uu hooglilla `he didn't go anywhere'
yaar uu il barlilla `no one came here'
*avn ell uu hoogtaane *'he went anywhere'

However, when uu is added to yaavaaga `when' (yaavaagl uu) it may occur in affirmative sentences.

When added to nouns preceded by numerals (see 2.7), or to other quantifiers such as eila `all', this notion of `inclusion' extends to all members of the set under discussion.

avn ayd pustkagL( ann) uu oodda `he read all five books'
ninne ibr uu barzdrzz `yesterday both of them came'
ellru mazsuurq barzdru `everybody came to Mysore'
sarkaara ellaa uurg uu ayd ayd lakSa rupaayi koTTiddaare `the government has given Ks 500,000 to each town'

When uu is added to a conditional form of the verb (see 3.10), the resultant combination means `even if', or `no matter if/whether' (`concessive').

avn nan up tindruu, droohca bagda 'he betrayed me even after eating my food (salt)'

I his may be emphasized by adding kuuUa after uu.

avn bandruu kuuDa naarr barolla `even