"Pliny on Essenes, Pliny on Jews"\*/
[Original print version in Dead Sea Discoveries 8
(2001) [in honor of Emanuel Tov] 255-261, with some later updates in green.]
by Robert A. Kraft, University of Pennsylvania [31 May 2001]
\*/
My associations with Emanuel Tov
date back a third of a century, to a conference we both attended as
promising young scholars in Uppsala, Sweden. Our
common interests in the Old Greek translations of Jewish Scripture led
to years of
collaboration directing the "CATSS" project (Computer Assisted Tools
for Septuagint Studies), where
Emanuel taught me his special kind of English (we still laugh together
over
occasional "Tovisms") and we both learned some of the new language of
the world of electronic
scholarship. His immersion in DSS activities also drew me into closer
contact with that
field as well, and I offer this brief excursion into the vast world of
Pliny -- who, I
think, tells us as little about the DSS as he does about LXX/OG matters
-- as a token of my respect and
friendship on this celebratory occasion. I look forward to many more
years of "good"
(tovish?) association, separately and together probing the depths of
our chosen
fields of interest. For some pictures, see my web page
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/kraft.html !
A key passage in the discussion of ancient "Essenes" is Pliny the
Elder's description in Natural History 5.73. Pliny does not claim to be
original in this
encyclopedic work, indeed, he gives long lists of sources (Roman/Latin
and otherwise) in his
detailed index of the work (now called "volume 1" of the 37 volumes
[scrolls]).\1/
\1/
According to Pliny's Preface 17, he has collected in 36 volumes (not
counting the index) some 20,000 items from about 2000 volumes by 100
authors, plus
many other things from his own research and experience. The work is
dedicated to
Vespasian's son Titus. Pliny died trying to offer aid to the victims of
the eruption of
Vesuvius in August of 79 ce. Vespasian died two months earlier.
Pliny claims that his subject matter is "sterile" - the nature of
things, real life - compared to more entertaining works that afford
opportunity for digressions
(excessus) or orations and discourses, or wondrous occurrences (casus
mirabiles) or various events
(eventus varios), agreeably spoken or pleasant to read (iucunda dictu
aut legentibus
blanda; Preface 12).
Nevertheless, he does include various entertaining and wondrous reports
in his compilation, and his report about the "Essenes" in volume 5 is
one such
example. In the aforementioned index, Pliny describes this volume as
dealing with
"sites, groups (gentes), seas, towns, harbors, mountains, rivers,
measurements, and people
present and past" for the designated areas of the eastern
Mediterranean.
The more immediate context of the "Essene" passage is a survey of
southern Palestine-Judea (apart from Galilee and Perea, and "supra"
Idumea and
Samaria), divided into ten districts (5.70) from Jericho (with its palm
trees) to Emmaus,
Lydda, Joppa, Acraba, Gophna, Timna, Betholeptephe, Orine (where
Jerusalem had been
located), and Herodium. In 5.71, Pliny describes the source of the
Jordan, and its
flow through lake Galilee/Genesara southward to the Dead Sea
("Asphalites"), which is
then described in 5.72, ending with a brief survey of sites to the east
and south of it.
At this point we find this passage, which contains the only description
of local people in
this section of Pliny's work:\2/
\2/
The literature on this passage is extensive, especially since the
discovery in 1946-47 of the "Dead Sea Scrolls" near the site known as
Qumran overlooking the
northwest curve of the Dead Sea. A useful summary of scholarly opinions
may be found in
Martine Dulaey, "La notice de Pline sur les esse/niens (HN 5, 17, 73),"
Helmantica 38
(1987) 283-93 (also pub. in Pline l'Ancien temoin de son temps,
Salamanca and Nantes, 1987)
-- I thank Stephen Goranson for this reference. The Latin text and
English
translation by H. Rackham (Loeb Classical Library, 1942) is
conveniently annotated by M.
Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism 1 (Jerusalem: Israel
Academy of
Sciences and Humanities 1974). The following English translations are
my own
attempts at reflecting the difficulties of the Latin as well as
providing the general sense of
the passages. For a similar early Latin version of this tradition about
the Essenes,
probably based directly or indirectly on Pliny's account (or its
source?), see the 3rd c ce
Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium by Solinus (Stern 2.#448), 35.9-12.
From [or towards] the west onward,
\3/ Essenes flee the banks [or
shores] that harm;
\4/ a
group set apart [or isolated] and in the entire world beyond all others
extraordinary [or unique]
\5/
-- without any women, stifling every urge, without money [or
possessions], consort of palms.
\6/
\3/
Ab occidente ... usque: for
similar Latin constructions in NH see
6.45 and 6.209. Pliny has already described the Mediterranean coastal
areas from Egypt to
Syria, and has moved on inland to Idumea, Samaria, Galilee, Judea
proper, and Perea --
pointing out along the way that Jericho has lots of water and palm
groves (70); he then traces
the Jordan from Panias in the north through the Genesara lake (Galilee)
to the Dead Sea
(71); then he locates the Dead Sea in relation to nomadic Arabia (to
the east = ab
oriente) and to Machaerus and the spring of Callirhoe (south = a
meridie); so now there
remains to be described the area west of the Dead Sea. Solinus,
presumably using this
same tradition, locates the Essenes in the "interior of Judea" which
looks to the west,
after discussing the Sodom and Gomorrah area. Note that neither Pliny
nor Solinus place
their Essenes in a specific settlement such as a town or city, but
refer to them as
inhabiting an area somewhere generally inland on the west of the
lake/sea and above Engedi
(apparently referring to elevation; see below n.9).
\4/ litora Esseni fugiunt
(usque) qua nocent: literally something like
"Essenes flee the banks/shores (usually of lakes and rivers) that harm"
-- Pliny is not
explicit about why they flee (elsewhere, Pliny sometimes talks of
people fleeing odors, fumes,
snakes, etc. -- but not here), nor is it clear to me what is meant by
"qua nocent" -- are
the banks/shores considered harmful, and if so why? Commerce?
Socialization? Fumes?
Water that does not support life? It is an awkward (to me) sequence of
words, and does
not necessarily imply what Rackham takes it to mean in the Loeb edition
("exhalations"). My suspicion is that it doesn't have anything to do
with fumes, and that perhaps Pliny
didn't have a clear idea of what it meant in his source. Staying away
from the noxious
water of the Dead Sea makes good sense (see Diodorus Siculus [1st c
bce], Bibliotheca
Historica 19.98-99 [Stern 1.62]). Solinus does not refer to this
detail, other than locating the
Essenes in the Judean "interior" (perhaps implying high ground,
"looking westward").
\5/ gens sola et in toto
orbe praeter ceteras mira: Pliny likes the
phrase "in toto orbe," which occurs some 19 times in NH, including
several passage that
emphasize the wondrous nature of the situations reported (events,
people). See the
next note for Dulaey's analysis of the structure of these lines.
Solinus speaks here of the
Essenes "separating themselves from the rites of other gentes."
For
further discussion of some of these issues, see the indexed arichives (http://orion.mscc.huji.ac.il/orion/discussion.shtml)
of the discontinued Orion Online
Discussion Group (active through 2002).
On, 6 June 2001 Stephen
Goranson called attention to the following passage from the
review by Adam Kamesar of Vermes and Goodman,
The Essenes
According to the Classical Sources(JAOS 111 [1991]
134-135):
"...Synesius, Dio 3.2, where the
Essenes are described as a 'polis
hole
eudaimon'...This phrase is translated with the words 'an entire
and
prosperous city'....Yet it must be remembered that Dio is a Stoic of
sorts, and he regards a polis not so much as a place of habitation, but
as
a
'group of people living under the rule of law in the same place'
(Oratio
36.20; cf. 36.29 and H. von Arnim, Stoicum veterum fragmenta,
III:80-81).
Indeed, that in this passage polis should be translated and understood
with reference to this definition (cf. the rendering "Gemeinwesen' in
Adam
and
Burchard, 39) may be confirmed by the fact that it is employed [/p.135]
in apposition to the word 'Essenes.' Accordingly, we should be wary
of
pressing the distinction between the description of the Essenes as
a
'polis' in Dio/Synesius and as a 'gens sola' in Pliny...; for the
latter
phrase should probably be rendered 'a people living on its own,' and
not as Goodman translates, 'a people unique of its kind'.... Likewise,
'eudaimon'
should not be translated by an adjective with material connotations
such as 'prosperous,' for the author is clearly thinking of that sort
of
eudaimonia which accrues to a city as a result of the virtue and
concord of
its
inhabitants (see von Arnim, SVF, 1:61). In fact, in the
immediately
preceding sentence (omitted by Goodman), Synesius had mentioned
Dio's
description of the 'bios eudaimonikos' of an individual, a Euboaean
hunter who lived a highly austere life in the wilderness but
nevertheless
achieved
an outstanding degree of happiness (Oratio 7). Therefore, in
all
probability Synesius is referring to a description of the Essenes in
which the latter are praised for a similar accomplishment in a group
setting."
Subsequent threads in the
Orion archives from
June-July 2001 such as "Pliny's Esseni," "Are Essenes Jewish?" and
"Essenes and Jews/Judeans" are also worth examining in this
context, especially since some of them are direct responses to my
suggestions. See also my followup of 25 June 2001 in those archives.
\6/ sine ulla femina, omni
venere abdicata, sine pecunia, socia
palmarum: Largely on formal grounds, Dulaey argues that "socia
palmarum" refers to the
reliance of this people who have no private possessions on trade in
palm dates in the area
(e.g. Ain Feshka), taking it as an elaboration of "without possessions"
(for Dulaey [285]
these lines contain three two-part statements -- on Essene uniqueness,
sexual purity
[neither heterosexually involved nor homosexual], and economics -
apparently a rather standard
device in classical rhetoric). This seems to me somewhat strained. I am
not so sure that
the "socia palmarum" requires literal palm trees in Pliny's
understanding but may simply be
an idiom describing the solitariness and social isolation of this
exemplary people. Pliny
is amazed at the non-procreative survival of this "gens" which he here
calls "socia"
(associate, companion, etc.). Socius/socia can also mean marriage
partner, and it seemed
possible, even probable, that Pliny (and/or his source) had this nuance
in mind here -- this
amazing "gens" has no human mates, but cohabits with the palms (why not
with the rocks?).
What I expected to find here was not a reference to trees, but to the
uniqueness or
exemplary nature of the group, and indeed, my Latin dictionary lists
"palmaris, -e" in that
sense ("excellent, admirable"), but I don't find any such uses
elsewhere in Pliny. Perhaps
his source said something of that sort (societas palmare?), and he
misinterpreted -- I
don't know if "palmaris" is sufficiently old in that meaning to serve
such a
hypothesis. (I would also reject, "out of hand" as it were, reading
"palmarum" as referring
to the human hand rather than the tree, and thus finding an ironic,
perhaps, homosexual twist to Pliny's
language about these non-procreative people.) In the end, I convinced
myself that "a
companion people of palm trees" need not depend on the known presence
of real trees to make
Pliny's rhetorical point -- although in fact, palm trees were abundant
in the general area
(including Jericho to the north) that Pliny is describing. Perhaps a
further search of
early Latin literature would reveal whether "palm" gets used this way
by other authors of the
period. Solinus is very close to Pliny's wording here: nulla ibi
femina, venere se penitus
abdicaverunt, pecuniam nesciunt, palmis victitant.
In a day, from an equal number of associates a crowd is reconstituted,
bloated by the multitude of those whom, exhausted in life, to their
[i.e. Essene]
customs fortune drives in waves;
\7/
thus through thousands of years [or ages] -- incredible to
report -- a group is eternal in which noone is
born!
\8/
\7/
In diem ex aequo convenarum turba
renascitur, large frequentantibus
quos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortuna fluctibus agit: Again,
the very
positive
assessment of the lifestyle of this amazing people is evidenced. It is
not clear exactly due to
what circumstances the exhausted newcomers are driven -- in general,
the personal burdens of
life seem to be in view, but perhaps also unfavorable "fortunes" of
various sorts (old
age, economic failure, warfare, disease, famine, etc.). The text is
quite vague. Solinus makes
a slightly different point, that although many people flock to them
from every "gens," only
those who display chastity and innocence are admitted.
\8/
Ita per saeculorum milia --
incredibile dictu -- gens aeterna est
in qua nemo nascitur! For Pliny, this is one of those incredible
stories -- yet true (like
Ripley's "Believe it or Not" feature in newspapers since the middle
1900s) -- similar to the amazing
tales of gymnosophists, etc. (Tales from the Frontiers?). Solinus
echoes this
wording closely (nemo ibi nascitur ... ita per inmensum spatium
saeculorum, incredibile
dictu, aeterna gens est cessantibus puerperiis).
From
the Online Orion Discussion Group (see above, n. 5), on 6 June 2001,
Russell Gmirkin comments:
Kamesar's
review is consistent
with my own understanding of the
political vocabulary underlying Dio (which
is also present in Pliny's passage on
the Essenes), and Dio Chrysostom's
political interests. However, I
fail to see how this tends towards a "Stoic
view of the Qumran Jewish
Essenes". Rather, this is more in the Aristotlean /
Peripatetic tradition, in which
political institutions and ideas of various
obscure groups around the world
were collected for what insight they
might provide. As such this tends
to confirm some relation with Nicolas of
Damascus, who was an Aristotelean (see
his autobiography and comments by
Wacholder), wrote a
paradoxographical "collection of strange customs"
for Herod (largely dealing with
political institutions around the world),
and of course wrote on the
Essenes. I have already commented on Orion on the
paradoxographical vocabulary
prominent in Pliny's description of the
Essenes. Thus for instance, Pliny's
commentary on perpetuation of a community by
adoption of others - "Thus through
thousands of ages (incredible to relate) a
race in which no one is born lives
on forever" - is a typical
Aristotelean / paradoxical theoretical
formulation of no historical value, but expresses
(in typical purple prose) interest
in unique/bizarre political institutions of others.
[This was ollowed up in discussion
with George Brooks, on 7 June 2001, with:]
Note
the giveaway "incredible to relate" in the Pliny passage. "Thus through
thousands of ages (incredible to relate) a race in which no one is born
lives on forever." The reference to incredible matters is practically
stock phraseology in paradoxography (and in others describing doubtful
assertions by paradoxographers). Also, please observe that the
reference to "thousands of ages" in Pliny does not mean the Essenes
historically had a long past, though some have interpreted it this way.
It could be equally interpreted to mean Pliny's source thought they
would have a long future. With this adoption thing, they could go on
forever!
[and later with:]
Whether
Pliny's source had accurate information or not is another question;
whether he was even concerned with accuracy is yet another; his
presentation is more literary and paradoxical than factual.
[and further]
There may be a case that the Essenes practiced celibacy and/or
adoption. If so, it would come out of Josephus and Philo. My main point
above was that the passage in Pliny was of questionable accuracy due to
its literary genre (paradoxography) and its tendency to model the
Essenes as the mirror opposite of Biblical Sodom. By questioning its
accuracy, I did not mean to definitely assert its inaccuracy on the
point of adoption: I was raising questions, not asserting answers.
Below them, there had been a town Engada,
\9/ second to Jerusalem
[Jerico?] in fertility and the forests of palm-groves, but now another
[or a second]
killing-field [or graveyard].
\10/
\9/
Infra hos Engada oppidum fuit:
now Pliny takes his survey back
towards the lake, from which his Essenes were said to have fled (see
above, n.4), and
moves southward towards Masada and also to the presumably lower
elevation of the Engedi
ruins. I take "infra hos" here to be primarily a reference to
elevation, noting that
Pliny also uses "super" ("above") to refer to geographical elevations
in his descriptions --
see 5.70 (the immediate context of our passage!), 6.78, and 7.26.
Solinus reads the material
similarly: Engada oppidum infra Essenos fuit, sed excisum est.
For
subsequent discussions of the location issue, with the claim that
elevation and not direction was the point being made by Pliny (although
not necessarily by his source[s]), see the Online Orion Discussion
Group archives (above n. 5) under the "Pliny" related topics. The
competing claims were especially voiced by Stephen Goranson
(downstream, south) and Ian Hutchesson (lower in elevation, away from
the smelly lake).
\10/
secundum ab Hierosolymis fertilitate
palmetorumque nemoribus, nunc
alterum bustum: it has been suggested that the text should read
"Jerico" rather
than "Jerusalem" -- note that the "palm groves" had already been
mentioned in connection
with Jerico (5.70). Solinus comments that despite the ravages of war,
the famous palm
groves of Engedi remain.
Then comes Masada, a cliff fortress, and itself not very far from the
Asphalt Lake.
\11/
\11/
Inde Masada castellum in rupe, et
ipsum haut procul Asphaltite:
Solinus combines the final two sentences into the simple statement that
the "castellum"
of Masada is the terminus of Judea.
Thusfar Judea.
\12/
\12/
Et hactenus Iudaea est (see
n.11 above).
Does Pliny recognize this "Essene" gens
as Jewish? The fact that they
are located in Judea is not necessarily decisive, and Stern
perceptively asks (1.480) "Did
Pliny or his source think of the Essenes as a special gens, separate from the
Jewish nation though geographically included in Judaea...? This view is
perhaps echoed by
Josephus, who finds it necessary to emphasize that the Essenes are
<gk>I)OUDAI=OI
ME\N GE/NOS</> (BJ 2.119)."
Elsewhere in the Natural History Pliny mentions Jews or Judaism in
several evaluative connections, but never with complimentary comments:
12.111-113 (Stern #213) The balsam shrub is native to Judea but was
brought to Rome by "the Vespasian emperors" and "it now serves [Rome]
and pays tribute
along with its race (cum sua gente) [i.e. Judeans]. The Jews did
violence to it as also to
their own lives, but the Romans protected it in response, and there has
been warfare over a
bush!"\13/
\13/Saeviere
in eam Iudaei sicut in vitam quoque suam; contra defendere
Romani, et dimicatum pro frutice est: This suggests that during the
first revolt,
some Jews may have attempted to destroy the balsam groves rather than
surrender such a
valuable asset to the enemies, but the Romans were able to preserve
this economic booty.
Known locations in which balsam was grown include the areas near
Jericho and Engedi (for
references see Stern 1.490).
13.46 (Stern #214) A type of date offered by the Romans to honor the
gods is called "chydaeos" by the "Judaea gens," which is noted for
contempt of divine
authority.\14/
\14/
Nam quos ex his honori deorum damus, chydaeos appellavit Iudaea
gens contumelia numinum insignis: Presumably this refers to Jewish
failure to honor the
emperors as divine.
30.11 (Stern #221) In Pliny's long discussion of "magic" and its
unfortunate presence throughout the inhabited world, he speculates that
the study of
medicine gave rise to magic (associated especially with Zoroaster and
the Persians), which
led further to "religion" and to "astrology." He identifies a branch of
the
development popularized in Greek circles by Democritus, at the time of
the Peloponnesian War, then
mentions briefly "another faction" that developed from Moses and Jannes
and Lotapes and
also the Jews, many thousand years after Zoroaster.\15/ Magic also took hold among
the
Romans, although laws were created to control some aspects, and became
especially despicable recently under Nero. Pliny quite clearly and
unambiguously despises the
practice of "magic," although he does not condemn out of hand everyone
he
assoicates in some way or another with magic (e.g. Homer, Democritus,
Plato).
\15/
Est et alia magices factio a Mose et Ianne et Lotape ac Iudaeis
pendens: Stern provides extensive notes with bibliography on these
names. It is not clear that
Pliny and/or his source(s) here would identify Moses with the Jews.
31.95 (Stern #223) In a long discussion about the uses of salt, Pliny
inserts information on "garum," a sort of sauce made from fermeted fish
remains. He describes
variations of this product, and adds that another sort is used in
Jewish superstitions
regarding purity and even sacred rites, which is made from fish devoid
of scales.\16/
\16/
Aliud vero est castimoniarum superstitioni etiam sacrisque Iudaeis
dicatum, quod fit e piscibus squama carentibus: The reference to fish
lacking scales
contrasts with the Mosaic prohibition against eating or even coming
into contact with such fish
(Lev 11.9-12), unless Pliny's source referred to de-scaled fish, or
unless the otherwise
unattested rite intentionally involved the use of prohibited food.
Whether this has any
relation to the use of fish products for protection against evil
spirits and for healing in
Tobit 6, 8, and 11.7-13, is a matter of conjecture.
Given such passages, I am surprised by Stern's note on #214 to the
effect that "This is Pliny's one reference to Jews or Judaea that has
an undisputably
anti-Semitic ring" (1.495). More to the point, I would think, is that
Pliny never refers explicitly
in a complimentary manner to Jews or their activities, and when he does
add "value laden"
comments, they have a definitely negative cast (Jews are involved with
purity
superstitions, magic, violence against Roman interests, contempt of
divine "numen").
As he himself readily acknowledges, Pliny used a variety of sources for
his information. Thus it is not a simple matter to determine precisely
what his own
attitudes may have been, or exactly what the sources may have reported
or intended. My aim
here is not to explore all of those side issues, important in their own
right, but
simply to point out that based on the available information in Pliny,
there is little reason to
believe that he thought of the "Essenes" as Jewish, and some reason to
think that he did not
make such a connection. If this sort of ambiguity was more widely
present in the
Greco-Roman world and was known to authors such as Philo and Josephus,
it would help
explain why they both make the clear claim that the "Essenes" they
describe are indeed
"Jewish" (Philo, Every Good Man is Free 75; Josephus, War 2.119).\17/ Ethnically
unidentified "Essenes" may have been otherwise lauded by ancient
reporters such as Pliny.
\17/
Philo's failure to identify the "Therapeutae" as explicitly Jewish
is interesting. His description of them in On the Contemplative Life
certainly seems to put
them into a generally "Jewish" category -- seventh day assemblies (30,
36), guided
by the sacred instructions of the prophet Moses (65, 87), reenactment
of the Exodus
(85-87), etc. -- but his claim that this sort of "genos" exists in many
places (21), loyal
to the "fatherlands" in which the adherents were born (18) or where
they reside (22) suggests
that a more general extra-Jewish phenomenon is envisioned as the
context of this report.
See also Philo's brief and less developed (thus earlier?) treatment of
the Essenes in the
fragment from Hypothetica in Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica
(8.11.1-2), where
associations with Moses and Judea are mentioned, but birth status
(ethnicity?) is explicitly
denied at the outset to be a criterion for membership -- of course, in
a non-reproductive
group, this may be more of a comment about reproduction (members are
not born into the group)
than ethnicity. Note also Philo's closing words in this excerpt,
regarding the high
repute in which the Essenes are held, even among great kings (8.11.18)!
In sum, Pliny does not refer to the Essenes as being at a specific
settlement (town), but depicts them as a "gens" identified with an area to
the (north-?) west
of the Dead Sea, distinct from Jericho and Engedi, for some reason
avoiding the nearby
banks (of the Jordan and/or the Dead Sea?). He does not claim that they
were Jewish,
or that they were obliterated, or even disrupted, in the recent
catastrophe that
demolished Jerusalem/Jericho and Engedi (and brought the balsam bush to
Rome), but suggests that
they live on as a "gens aeterna"!
He does not necessarily claim that they had palm trees
of their own, or for that matter, anything of their own. That Pliny had
any first hand
knowledge of this rather "romantic" Essene presence is doubtful to me,
but that he attests the
existence in his world of reports about such a marvelous and mysterious
group seems clear. It
also seems reasonable to me that the blurry/muddled tradition he
reports is not
completely irrelevant for discussions about ancient Qumran, its
occupants and its environs.
But I wouldn't want to try to build much on this part of Pliny's
reporting! \18/
\18/ Embedded in the Orion
Discussion Group listings (see above, n.5) are my own added comments on
some of the issues, including my attempt on 16 June 2001 to
summarize the discussions to that point (see also the followup comments
in my posting on 20 June
2001):
"I will ... simply list some of the observations that
seem to me to be pertinent (for those who did not wade through the
relevant postings [on the Orion discussion list]):
1. Pliny locates his "Esseni gens" in a general area "from the west" of
the Dead Sea, having already noted places or areas from the east and to
the south.
2. This Esseni area (real or imagined) avoids the undesirable aspects
of
the coastline (Solinus describes the area as inland/interior; note also
possible connections with traditions on the location of Sodom [see
Gmirkin's posting of 7 June 2001).
3. The area is part of Pliny's Judaea, itself thought of in general as
"elevated" (super) in relation to Samaria and Idumea (both of which are
placed along the Mediterranean coast by Pliny).
4. Thus "from the west" (Esseni land) one goes "infra" (down in
elevation) to the ruins of Engedi, and thence to the rock-fortress
Masada, also near the Dead Sea.
5. Pliny's information seems to be at second hand or worse in this
entire
section, with the Essene vignette probably coming from a "Believe it or
Not" (paradoxigraphical?) sort of composition relating to that part of
the
world (especially the general "Judaea" area).
Thus I would say that Pliny's account is basically irrelevant for
arguments about Qumran's possible Essene connections."
==[notes (as endnotes, lacking updates)]==
\1/According to Pliny's Preface 17, he has collected in 36 volumes (not
counting the index) some 20,000 items from about 2000 volumes by 100
authors, plus
many other things from his own research and experience. The work is
dedicated to
Vespasian's son Titus. Pliny died trying to offer aid to the victims of
the eruption of
Vesuvius in August of 79 ce. Vespasian died two months earlier.
\2/The literature on this passage is extensive, especially since the
discovery in 1946-47 of the "Dead Sea Scrolls" near the site known as
Qumran overlooking the
northwest curve of the Dead Sea. A useful summary of scholarly opinions
may be found in
Martine Dulaey, "La notice de Pline sur les esse/niens (HN 5, 17, 73),"
Helmantica 38
(1987) 283-93 (also pub. in Pline l'Ancien temoin de son temps,
Salamanca and Nantes, 1987)
-- I thank Stephen Goranson for this reference. The Latin text and
English
translation by H. Rackham (Loeb Classical Library, 1942) is
conveniently annotated by M.
Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism 1 (Jerusalem: Israel
Academy of
Sciences and Humanities 1974). The following English translations are
my own
attempts at reflecting the difficulties of the Latin as well as
providing the general sense of
the passages. For a similar early Latin version of this tradition about
the Essenes,
probably based directly or indirectly on Pliny's account (or its
source?), see the 3rd c ce
Collectanea Rerum Memorabilium by Solinus (Stern 2.#448), 35.9-12.
\3/Ab occidente ... usque: for similar Latin constructions in NH see
6.45 and 6.209. Pliny has already described the Mediterranean coastal
areas from Egypt to
Syria, and has moved on inland to Idumea, Samaria, Galilee, Judea
proper, and Perea --
pointing out along the way that Jericho has lots of water and palm
groves (70); he then traces
the Jordan from Panias in the north through the Genesara lake (Galilee)
to the Dead Sea
(71); then he locates the Dead Sea in relation to nomadic Arabia (to
the east = ab
oriente) and to Machaerus and the spring of Callirhoe (south = a
meridie); so now there
remains to be described the area west of the Dead Sea. Solinus,
presumably using this
same tradition, locates the Essenes in the "interior of Judea" which
looks to the west,
after discussing the Sodom and Gomorrah area. Note that neither Pliny
nor Solinus place
their Essenes in a specific settlement such as a town or city, but
refer to them as
inhabiting an area somewhere generally inland on the west of the
lake/sea and above Engedi
(apparently referring to elevation; see below n.9).
\4/litora Esseni fugiunt (usque) qua nocent: literally something like
"Essenes flee the banks/shores (usually of lakes and rivers) that harm"
-- Pliny is not
explicit about why they flee (elsewhere, Pliny sometimes talks of
people fleeing odors, fumes,
snakes, etc. -- but not here), nor is it clear to me what is meant by
"qua nocent" -- are
the banks/shores considered harmful, and if so why? Commerce?
Socialization? Fumes?
Water that does not support life? It is an awkward (to me) sequence of
words, and does
not necessarily imply what Rackham takes it to mean in the Loeb edition
("exhalations"). My suspicion is that it doesn't have anything to do
with fumes, and that perhaps Pliny
didn't have a clear idea of what it meant in his source. Staying away
from the noxious
water of the Dead Sea makes good sense (see Diodorus Siculus [1st c
bce], Bibliotheca
Historica 19.98-99 [Stern 1.62]). Solinus does not refer to this
detail, other than locating the
Essenes in the Judean "interior" (perhaps implying high ground,
"looking westward").
\5/gens sola et in toto orbe praeter ceteras mira: Pliny likes the
phrase "in toto orbe," which occurs some 19 times in NH, including
several passage that
emphasize the wondrous nature of the situations reported (events,
people). See the
next note for Dulaey's analysis of the structure of these lines.
Solinus speaks here of the
Essenes "separating themselves from the rites of other gentes."
\6/sine ulla femina, omni venere abdicata, sine pecunia, socia
palmarum: Largely on formal grounds, Dulaey argues that "socia
palmarum" refers to the
reliance of this people who have no private possessions on trade in
palm dates in the area
(e.g. Ain Feshka), taking it as an elaboration of "without possessions"
(for Dulaey [285]
these lines contain three two-part statements -- on Essene uniqueness,
sexual purity
[neither heterosexually involved nor homosexual], and economics -
apparently a rather standard
device in classical rhetoric). This seems to me somewhat strained. I am
not so sure that
the "socia palmarum" requires literal palm trees in Pliny's
understanding but may simply be
an idiom describing the solitariness and social isolation of this
exemplary people. Pliny
is amazed at the non-procreative survival of this "gens" which he here
calls "socia"
(associate, companion, etc.). Socius/socia can also mean marriage
partner, and it seemed
possible, even probable, that Pliny (and/or his source) had this nuance
in mind here -- this
amazing "gens" has no human mates, but cohabits with the palms (why not
with the rocks?).
What I expected to find here was not a reference to trees, but to the
uniqueness or
exemplary nature of the group, and indeed, my Latin dictionary lists
"palmaris, -e" in that
sense ("excellent, admirable"), but I don't find any such uses
elsewhere in Pliny. Perhaps
his source said something of that sort (societas palmare?), and he
misinterpreted -- I
don't know if "palmaris" is sufficiently old in that meaning to serve
such a
hypothesis. (I would also reject, "out of hand" as it were, reading
"palmarum" as referring
to the human hand rather than the tree, and thus finding an ironic,
perhaps, homosexual twist to Pliny's
language about these non-procreative people.) In the end, I convinced
myself that "a
companion people of palm trees" need not depend on the known presence
of real trees to make
Pliny's rhetorical point -- although in fact, palm trees were abundant
in the general area
(including Jericho to the north) that Pliny is describing. Perhaps a
further search of
early Latin literature would reveal whether "palm" gets used this way
by other authors of the
period. Solinus is very close to Pliny's wording here: nulla ibi
femina, venere se penitus
abdicaverunt, pecuniam nesciunt, palmis victitant.
\7/In diem ex aequo convenarum turba renascitur, large frequentantibus
quos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortuna fluctibus agit: Again, the very
positive
assessment of the lifestyle of this amazing people is evidenced. It is
not clear exactly due to
what circumstances the exhausted newcomers are driven -- in general,
the personal burdens of
life seem to be in view, but perhaps also unfavorable "fortunes" of
various sorts (old
age, economic failure, warfare, disease, famine, etc.). The text is
quite vague. Solinus makes
a slightly different point, that although many people flock to them
from every "gens," only
those who display chastity and innocence are admitted.
\8/ Ita per saeculorum milia -- incredibile dictu -- gens aeterna est
in qua nemo nascitur! For Pliny, this is one of those incredible
stories -- yet true (like
Ripley's "Believe it or Not" feature in newspapers since the middle
1900s) -- similar to the amazing
tales of gymnosophists, etc. (Tales from the Frontiers?). Solinus
echoes this
wording closely (nemo ibi nascitur ... ita per inmensum spatium
saeculorum, incredibile
dictu, aeterna gens est cessantibus puerperiis).
\9/Infra hos Engada oppidum fuit: now Pliny takes his survey back
towards the lake, from which his Essenes were said to have fled (see
above, n.4), and
moves southward towards Masada and also to the presumably lower
elevation of the Engedi
ruins. I take "infra hos" here to be primarily a reference to
elevation, noting that
Pliny also uses "super" ("above") to refer to geographical elevations
in his descriptions --
see 5.70 (the immediate context of our passage!), 6.78, and 7.26.
Solinus reads the material
similarly: Engada oppidum infra Essenos fuit, sed excisum est.
\10/secundum ab Hierosolymis fertilitate palmetorumque nemoribus, nunc
alterum bustum: it has been suggested that the text should read
"Jerico" rather
than "Jerusalem" -- note that the "palm groves" had already been
mentioned in connection
with Jerico (5.70). Solinus comments that despite the ravages of war,
the famous palm
groves of Engedi remain.
\11/Inde Masada castellum in rupe, et ipsum haut procul Asphaltite:
Solinus combines the final two sentences into the simple statement that
the "castellum"
of Masada is the terminus of Judea.
\12/Et hactenus Iudaea est (see n.11 above).
\13/Saeviere in eam Iudaei sicut in vitam quoque suam; contra defendere
Romani, et dimicatum pro frutice est: This suggests that during the
first revolt,
some Jews may have attempted to destroy the balsam groves rather than
surrender such a
valuable asset to the enemies, but the Romans were able to preserve
this economic booty.
Known locations in which balsam was grown include the areas near
Jericho and Engedi (for
references see Stern 1.490).
\14/Nam quos ex his honori deorum damus, chydaeos appellavit Iudaea
gens contumelia numinum insignis: Presumably this refers to Jewish
failure to honor the
emperors as divine.
\15/Est et alia magices factio a Mose et Ianne et Lotape ac Iudaeis
pendens: Stern provides extensive notes with bibliography on these
names. It is not clear that
Pliny and/or his source(s) here would identify Moses with the Jews.
\16/Aliud vero est castimoniarum superstitioni etiam sacrisque Iudaeis
dicatum, quod fit e piscibus squama carentibus: The reference to fish
lacking scales
contrasts with the Mosaic prohibition against eating or even coming
into contact with such fish
(Lev 11.9-12), unless Pliny's source referred to de-scaled fish, or
unless the otherwise
unattested rite intentionally involved the use of prohibited food.
Whether this has any
relation to the use of fish products for protection against evil
spirits and for healing in
Tobit 6, 8, and 11.7-13, is a matter of conjecture.
\17/Philo's failure to identify the "Therapeutae" as explicitly Jewish
is interesting. His description of them in On the Contemplative Life
certainly seems to put
them into a generally "Jewish" category -- seventh day assemblies (30,
36), guided
by the sacred instructions of the prophet Moses (65, 87), reenactment
of the Exodus
(85-87), etc. -- but his claim that this sort of "genos" exists in many
places (21), loyal
to the "fatherlands" in which the adherents were born (18) or where
they reside (22) suggests
that a more general extra-Jewish phenomenon is envisioned as the
context of this report.
See also Philo's brief and less developed (thus earlier?) treatment of
the Essenes in the
fragment from Hypothetica in Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelica
(8.11.1-2), where
associations with Moses and Judea are mentioned, but birth status
(ethnicity?) is explicitly
denied at the outset to be a criterion for membership -- of course, in
a non-reproductive
group, this may be more of a comment about reproduction (members are
not born into the group)
than ethnicity. Note also Philo's closing words in this excerpt,
regarding the high
repute in which the Essenes are held, even among great kings (8.11.18)!
//end//