<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> <html> <head> <title>Harnack, 89-96</title> <style> .maintext { font-size : 16px } </style> <style> .footnote { font-size : 14px } </style> </head> <body> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p><span style="font-weight: bold;"><br> </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: bold;"><a name="10"></a> 10. CRETE AND THE ISLANDS (INCLUDING THE IONIAN)</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">2</sup> <br> </p> <p>From the epistle to Titus it is clear that Christianity had reached <span style="font-weight: bold;">Crete</span> before the close of the apostolic age, and that Titus had a special connection as a missionary with the island though Paul is also said to have visited it (Tit. i. 5). About 170 CE Dionysius of Corinth wrote an epistle "to the church of <span style="font-weight: bold;">Gortyna</span> and to the other churches of Crete" (Gortyna being evidently the metropolis),<sup>3</sup> and a second epistle to the Cretan church of <span style="font-weight: bold;">Cnossus</span>, whose bishop, Pinytus by name, wrote him a reply (Eus., H.E., iv. 23). But nothing further is known of early Christianity in the island, and no bishop came from Crete to the Nicene council. For a considerable conversion of Jews in Crete, cp. the tragi-comic story of Socrates (HE, vii. 38). It is clear that the Jews were scattered all over the island. <br> </p> <p>Achelis (Zeitschr. fu. die neutest. Wissensch., i. pp. 87 f.), like some other scholars before him, has tried to prove, from the evidence of the inscriptions, that Christian churches existed on the smaller islands, particularly in <span style="font-weight: bold;">Rhodes</span> and <span style="font-weight: bold;">Thera</span><sup>4</sup> and<br> </p> </div> </span> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>1</sup> For Isaura nova= Dorla, cp. Ramsay, Topogr. and Epigr. of Nova Isaura (1905), and the above-mentioned essay of Miss Ramsay. In this extremely interesting essay the monument sketched and discussed on pp. 264 f. is of special importance. It belongs to a bishop (A s ) called on the inscription A  .. By a custom of the pagan priests, his name is not given. Or was he called Theophilus? The monument must be pre-Constantine, as its general character and the ornaments prove. The inscription for x     (pp. 269 f.) also seems to be pre- Constantine, .possibly too that on bishop Sisamoas (p. 272). The other antique monuments which have been discovered and described belong also to the years 250-400 A.D. The rarity of Greek names on them is extremely striking ; the Latin are more - numerous. For that very reason, one must not go too far with them. </p> </div> </span><br> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>2</sup> Cp. Map VII. </p> </div> </span><br> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>3 </sup>Evidently there were several local churches. </p> </div> </span><br> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>4</sup> Cp. the publications of Hiller von Gartringen with their interesting Christian inscriptions (ys). </p> </div> </span></div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[230]] <span style="font-weight: bold;">Therasia</span>, as early as circa 100 CE; but the proofs of this are unsatisfactory, both as regards the fact of Christianity and the age of the inscriptions. Thus, even in the third century, one may put a query opposite <span style="font-weight: bold;">Thera</span> and <span style="font-weight: bold;">Therasia</span> in connection with Christianity. But in <span style="font-weight: bold;">Melos</span> (Malus) Christians seem certainly to have existed in the third century.<sup>1</sup> <span style="font-weight: bold;">Patmos</span>, with its great associations, they would hardly leave unclaimed till the fourth century ; and martyrdoms are connected in tradition with <span style="font-weight: bold;">Chios</span>. Bishops from <span style="font-weight: bold;">Rhodes</span> (where early inscriptions have been also discovered), <span style="font-weight: bold;">Cos</span> (the seat of Asclepius !) <span style="font-weight: bold;">Lemnos</span>, and <span style="font-weight: bold;">Corcyra</span> (Euphrosynus, Meliphron, Strategius,<sup>2</sup> and Aletodorus respectively) attended the Nicene council. Mytilene (Lesbos) had a bishop in the days of Julian (ep. Socrat., H.E., ii. 40). <br> </p> <p>Paul is reported (Coast. App., vii. 46) to have installed Crispus as the first bishop of Aegina-a legend which denotes the existence of a church there at some early period. The presence of gnostic Christians at Same in Cephallenia may be inferred from Clem. Alex., St.om., iii. 2. 5.<sup>3</sup> </p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;; font-weight: bold;"><a name="11"></a> </span><span style="font-weight: bold;">11. THRACE, MACEDONIA, DARDANIA, EPIRUS, THESSALY, ACHAIA</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">4</sup> <br> </p> <p>We have but a faint knowledge of Christianity in the Balkan peninsula (the diocese of Illyria) during the first centuries. No [[231]]<br> </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> For Christian catacombs in the ravine of Ceima in Melus, cp. Ross, Reisen auf d. griech. Inseln des agaischen Meers (1845, 3rd vol., pp. 145 f ).<br> &nbsp;<br> <sup>2</sup> Among the signatures of Nicaea (cp. Gelzer, Ixiii.-lxiv.) are (n. 167) ys  and (n. 214) ys 's - the one in the islands, the other in Achaia. They are identical, for Hephaestia lies in Lemnos. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Epiphanius the gnostic, whose father was Carpocrates, was connected with Cephallenia through his mother, v x   s s ,   1x ,A , , ,    v , v s 0s x 1x 1  p  y   ',   v  v U  (" He is honoured as a god in Same of Cephallenia, where a shrine of huge stones, with altars and precincts and a museum, has been erected for him, and consecrated. And the Cephallenians celebrate his birthday at new moon, assembling at his shrine, doing sacrifice, pouring forth libations, and feasting, with song of hymns to him "). But does not this story perhaps rest on a confusion of names? <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Cp. Map VII.-These represent different provinces of the church with metropolitans of their own (cp. Optatus, ii. I : "Ecclesia in tribus Pannoniis, in Dacia, Moesia, Thracia, Achaia, Macedonia"). I group them together merely for the [[232b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">sake of unity, as we know little of their respective histories. Duchesne's study, Les anciens Aveches de la Grace (1896), and the earlier works of de Boor (Zeits. f. K. Gesch., xii., 1891, pp. 520 f.) and Gelzer (Zeits. f. Wiss. Theol., xxxii., 1892, pp. 419 f. ), refer to a later period, but even the period previous to 300 may have some light cast on it by the list (Duchesne, p. 14), which assigns to Eubeea three bishoprics (Chalcis, Carystus, Porthmus), to Attica one (Athens), to Northern Greece ten (Megara, Thebes, Tanagra, Plataea, Thespise, Coronia, Opus, Elataea, Scarphia, Naupactus), to the Peloponnese seven (Corinth, Argos, Lacedaemon, Messina, Megalopolis, Tegaea, Patras). Tertullian (de Virg. Vel. ii.) writes thus " Per Graeciam et quasdam barbarias eius plures ecclesiae virgines suas abscondunt." As he means by "Graecia" in ch. viii. Greece proper (i.e., Corinth, etc.), we should probably locate these churches among the neighbouring barbarians in the northern half of the Balkan peninsula.-Could we avail ourselves of the episcopal list of Sardica, we should be able to verify a large number of bishoprics for Achaia, Macedonia, and the provinces farther north. But (cp. above, p. 90) we cannot use this list for the pre-Nicene age.</span></div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>outstanding figures emerge, and Dionysius of Corinth, who exhorted and counselled many churches East and West by his letters during the reign of M. Aurelius, and collected these letters into a volume (Eus., H.E., iv. 23), stands quite by himself. <sup>1</sup> The extension of Christianity was far from being uniform. In  Europe," over against Bithynia, and Thrace, there must have been numerous churches previous to 325 (cp. also Vit. Coast., iv. 43), as is evident from the church-history of Thrace during the fourth century. Corinth and Thessalonica bad flourishing churches. In Carthage it was known about 220 A.D. that councils were held ( quae per Graecias certis in locis ex universis ecclesiis ") throughout Greece,  per quae et altiora quaeque in commune tractantur, et ipsa representatio nominis Christiani magna veneratione celebratur." But the larger part of the peninsula cannot have had more than a scanty population of Christians up till 325, so that we cannot speak of any common Christian character or type, of course, in this connection. I shall therefore proceed to set down a list of the various places, not according to their provinces, but as far as possible in chronological order. First, those which are known to us from the earliest period. <br> </p> <p>Philippi,  []  .   (Acts [[232]]<br> </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p></p> </div> </span> <p><sup>1</sup> The tone of his letters, which can be felt even in the brief extracts of Eusebius, shows that he wrote to Athens and Lacedaemon as metropolitan, to Crete and Pontus as a colleague and equal, and to the bishop of Rome as a modest and admiring colleague (cp. vol. i. P. 468). </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>xvi. 12; Paul, Epaphroditus, Euodias, Syntyche, Clement ; Polycarp's epistle ; pseudo-Dionysius is our only witness to another-unauthentic-letter of his addressed to Athens<sup> 1</sup>). <br> </p> <p>Thessalonica (where there was a synagogue, or else the synagogue of the province ; Paul ; Antoninus Pius wrote to this city, forbidding any rising against the Christians [Melito, in Eus., H.E., iv. 26] ; the metropolitan Alexander was present at Nicaea, and also at the dedication of the church of Jerusalem, Vit. Const., iv. 43). <br> </p> <p>Beroea (Paul). <br> </p> <p>Athens <sup>2</sup> (Paul). From the outset the church here was small, and small it remained, for in this city of philosophers Christianity could find little room. According to Dionysius of Corinth, Dionysius the Areopagite<sup>3</sup> was the first bishop of Athens ; Antoninus Pius forbade the city to rise against the Christians (see above) ; and after the persecution of M. Aurelius, Dionysius of Corinth wrote to the church (Eus., H.E., iv. 23), "accusing them almost of apostasy from the faith since the death of their martyred bishop Publius ; and mentioning Quadratus who succeeded Publius in the episcopate, testifying that the church had been gathered together again by his zealous efforts and had gained new ardour for the faith." The apologist Aristides came from Athens ( ). So did Clement of Alexandria, perhaps. Origen, who spent some time in Athens <sup>4</sup> (Eus., vi. 23.32), mentions the local church in c. Cels., III. xxx.: "The church of God at Athens is a peaceable and orderly body, as it desires to please Almighty God. Whereas the assembly of the Athenians is refractory, nor can it be compared in any respect to the local church or assembly of God." The bishop of Athens, </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> For "Macedonia," see J. Weiss's article in the Fret. Real-Encyk.(3), vol. xii. Philippi gave Paul his first experience of a city which had a considerable Latin element in it. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> See the instructive article on "Greece in the Apostolic Age," by J. Weiss, ibid., vol. vii. Apart from Corinth, Greece was in a reduced position by the time it came into contact with Christianity. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Being raised perhaps to the episcopate from the position of an influential member, perhaps a leader of the local church. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Circa 230 A. D., and again between 238 and 244, "on pressing church business" and "for the conversion of heretics." On his journey to Rome he had already touched at Athens (between 211 and 215/216). </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[233 ]] Pistus, attended Nicaea. For the pagan character of the city in the middle of the fourth century, see the remarks in Gregory of Naz. <br> </p> <p>Corinth (the metropolis: Paul; the epistle of the Roman church to the church of Corinth <sup>1</sup> c. 95 A.D. ; Hegesippus, in Eus., H.E., iv. 22,        @ y   i   6   0 ', v t    1,  6 r  @ y (p= the Corinthian church remained by the true faith till Primus was bishop in Corinth. I conversed with them on my way to Rome, and spent some time with the Corinthians, during which we refreshed each other with orthodox teaching." Also the letter of Soter, the Roman bishop, to Corinth = 2 Clem. The Moscow MS., in the appendix to Polycarp's Mart., mentions a Socrates at Corinth, Dionysius of Corinth. Bacchyllus, bishop of Corinth, during the Paschal controversy. Tertullian, who knew the local practice with regard to the veiling of virgins [de Vi.g. Vel. viii : hodie denique Corinthii virgines suas velant]. Origen, who speaks of Corinth in the same term as of Athens, c. Cels. III. xxx. Martyrs in Corinth, according to Ma.t. Syr.). <sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p>Cenchreae (Paul ; the Apost. Constit. [vii. 46] mentions the first bishop of this seaport, whom Paul is said to have appointed-a remark which deserves no credence). <br> </p> <p>Lacedaemon (Dionysius of Corinth wrote a letter to this church [Eus., HE., iv. 23] enjoining peace and unity ; the fact of a Christian community existing in a country town like Lacedaemon by the year 170, proves that missionary work had been done from Corinth throughout the Peloponnese, although as we see from the subsequent period, Christianity only got a footing there </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> With unusually high praise of their virtues prior to the split (Clem. Rom. i.-ii.). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The second recension, extant only in Syriac, of pseudo-Justin's " Address to the Greeks" (cp. Sitzungsber. der K. Preuss. Akad. d. W., 1896, pp. 627 f.) hails from Corinth perhaps, or at any rate from Greece. It is a third-century document, and opens with these words : "Memoirs which have been written by Ambrose, a senator of Greece, who became a Christian. All his fellow-senators cried out against him, so he fled away and wrote in order to show them all their mad frenzy." In any case the reference is to the conversion of a councillor in a Greek city. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[234]] with difficulty. The "bishop of Achaia" sided with Origen in his dispute with Demetrius (231 A.D.). -- Philostorgius (iii. 2) relates how the emperor Constantius brought the remains of the apostle Andrew and of Luke from Achaia to Constantinople (cp. Jerome, de Vir. Inl. vii.). It is not impossible that Andrew and Luke really died in Achaia. -- The allusion to "Arcadia" in the ninth similitude of Hermas (the angel of repentance conveys him thither) has no bearing on the history of the spread of Christianity ; "Arcadia" here is simply an apocalyptic accessory borrowed from paganism. <br> </p> <p>Larissa in Thessaly (Melito [in Eus., HE., iv. 20] tells us that Antoninus Pius wrote to this town, forbidding it to rise against the Christians; <sup>1</sup> the metropolis ; its bishop was at Nicaea, for the  Claudian of Thessaly," as he is called in most of the lists, is the bishop of Larissa. The Greek recension actually describes him as such). <br> </p> <p>Debeltum in Thrace (Eus. v. 19 informs us that this town had a bishop towards the close of the second century. From the same passage we may perhaps infer that a Thracian provincial synod was held there over the Montanist controversy, but more probably the Thracian bishops in question went to Apollinaris at Hierapolis). <br> </p> <p>Anchialus in Thrace (which also had a bishop about the same time ; loc. cit.). Philippopolis was the capital of Northern Thrace (cp. the semi-Arian synod there in 343), so that it certainly had a bishop also before 325. <br> </p> <p>Nicopolis in Epirus (according to Eus., H.E., vi. 16, Origen <sup>2</sup> was there ; so that there must have been local Christians at that time [Paul wished to winter there, according to the epistle to Titus]). <br> </p> <p>Byzantium in Europe (where the Christologist Theodotus <sup>3</sup> </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> This edict, designed by Pius for Thessalonica, Athens, Larissa, and " the Greeks" (the scope of this address is unfortunately obscure), shows that the strength of Christianity in these cities must not be underrated. Of course, one has to bear in mind the intolerance of Greeks in all matters of religion. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> He found a version of the Old Testament hitherto unknown to him.<br> &nbsp;<br> <sup>3</sup> According to Epiph., Her., liv. r, Theodotus abjured his faith during a persecution (hence there was one before 190 in Byzantium, i.e., perhaps under Marcus Aurelius). </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[235]] was born about 190 A.D. [Hippol., Philos., vii. 35; perhaps one may refer also to Tert., ad Scap. iii.] ; local martyrs, cp. Mart. Syr. and Eus., Vit. Const., iii. 48; on Alexander, the local bishop when Arius appeared, cp. Alex. of Alex. in Theodoret, HE., i. 2 ; on 26th Nov. 39.6 Constantinople was founded, and on 11th May it was dedicated). <sup>1</sup> <br> </p> <p>Heraclea=Perinthus in Europe, the metropolis (numerous martyrs, according to Mart. Syr. ; cp. also Erbes in Zeits. f. K. Gesch., xxv. 3 ; also a  primitive " martyr called Marcianus ; Nicaea, bishop Paederus). <br> </p> <p>Stobi in Macedonia (bishop Budius at Nicaea). <br> </p> <p>Thebes in Thessaly (bishop Cleonicus at Nicaea). <br> </p> <p> Euboea (Bishop Marcus at Nicaea). <sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p>Pele in Thessaly (bishop Ballachus at Nicaea ; doubtful, how ever). <br> </p> <p>Scupi [ = Uskub] in Dardania (Nicaea. The entry runs as follows : <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span>  , alluding to this bishopric). <br> </p> <p>Trustworthy notices of the martyrs permit us finally to assume the existence of Christians in Adrianopolis (Mart. Syr., Ruinart, p. 439 ; cp. Theod., HE., ii. 15), Drizipara = Drusipara, and Epibata (unidentified) in Thrace, Buthrotum in Epirus, and Pydna.<sup>3</sup>&nbsp; <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[236]]</span> </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Cp. the pretty legend in Philostorg., H. E., ii. 9 : <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">x</span> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> A,   <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span>, <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">x</span>   v <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> v r s s   "  0  r,   P  v ,  ,  <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">x</span> r <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span>     [[]]   [[]],  , as s P s P [[++]] ("Constantine, he says, went out on foot to mark the circuit of the city, carrying a spear in his hand. When his attendants thought he was measuring too much ground, one of them came up to him, and asked him, How far, 0 prince? He replied, Until He who precedes me stops. By this answer he signified that some divine power was leading him on and instructing him what to do"). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The presence of Christians at Chalcis in Euboea, under Decius or Valerian, may be inferred with some likelihood from Jerome (<span style="font-style: italic;">de Vir. Inl.</span> lxxxiii.) -- a passage in which Methodius of Olympus seems to be confused with a certain Methodius of Chalcis who was martyred under Decius or Valerian. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> At Tricca in Thessaly, a certain Heliodorus was bishop (according to Socrates, H. E., v. 22). If he is to be identified, as Socrates declares he is, with the author of the romance, he must have lived at the close of the third century, for the romance dates from the reign of Aurelian, and was a youthful work. Rohde, however, doubts this identification. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Thracian Christianity was that of Bithynia.<sup>1</sup> No distinctive Macedonian or Greek Christianity ever arose, like the Christianity of Asia Minor, or of Syria, or of Pontus-Armenia, or of Egypt, vigorous as the missionary efforts of the Thessalonian church may have been. The martyr-Acts furnish one or two indications of Christianity as it developed at Thessalonica and elsewhere. </p> <p><span style="font-weight: bold;"><a name="12"></a> 12. MOESIA AND PANNONIA, NORICUM AND DALMATIA</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">2<br> </sup><span style="font-weight: bold;">&nbsp;</span><br> On the soil of Moesia (and of Pannonia, in part), while the Romans and the Greeks competed for the task of ruling and developing the land, the former gradually got the upper hand, and the province must have been counted as Western in the main at an early period. Here, too, we find from Acts of martyrs (under Diocletian) and the church's history in the fourth century, that Christianity had secured a firm footing in the third century. Even by the time that Eusebius wrote, however, the local churches (like those of Pannonia) were still young. At the dedication of the church at Jerusalem, he writes (Vita Constant., iv. 43), the Moesians and Pannonians were represented by t the fairest bloom of God's <i>youthful stock</i> among them " (p ' P <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span>     ). All that we learn from the Nicene subscriptions is that in "Dacia" (the country south of the Danube, modern Servia) at Sardica there was one bishopric (Protogenes, a Greek), with another (bishop Pistus) at Marcianopolis in Moesia (near the shores of the Black Sea), but the Acts of the martyrs attest the presence of Christians at Dorostorum = Dorostolum = Durostolum (Ruinart, p. 570, and Mart. Dasii), Tomi (Mart. Syr.), Axiupolis (Mart. Syr.), and Noviodunum (in Moesia Inferior; Mart. Syr.) previous to the council of Nicaea. <sup>3</sup> Perhaps there was also a bishopric at </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>1</sup> According to Epiphanius (Haer., lxxviii. 23 and lxxix. I), the heretical worship of Mary arose in Thrace (and Scythia Superior) and was imported into Arabia (<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">as</span> 0 D s <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span>   <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> [sc. women] v  v x Px v <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">0</span> D s s <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> r x     <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">v</span>  <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span>  v <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">0</span></span> D <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">P</span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">s</span> 1 p ).</p> </div> </span> <p><sup>2</sup> Cp. Map VII. </p> <p><sup>3</sup> Leontius the bishop of Lydian Tripolis, circa 340 A.D., came from Moesia (cp. Philostorgius in Suidas, s. v. " Leontius"). </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[237]] Naissus (Moesia Superior) before 325 A.D. ; the bishop was at the synod of Philippopolis. <br> </p> <p>One Pannonian bishop (called Domnus) was present at Nicaea (bishopric unknown). The Acts of the martyrs <sup>1</sup> tell us of Christian communities at Sirmiun (Mart. Syr., Ruinart, p. 432), Cibalis (ibid., pp. 433 f.), Siscia (ibid., p. 521 ; cp. Jerome's Chron., ad ann. 2324), Singidunum (ibid., p. 435), <sup>2</sup> Scarabantia (ibid., p. 523), and Sabaria, the birthplace of Martin of Tours, whose parents, however, were pagans (ibid., p. 523).  Very many years" (plurimi anni) had elapsed'in 304 A.D. since bishop Eusebius suffered martyrdom at Cibalis ; and as he probably perished under Valerian, this is our earliest piece of evidence for the existence of a Christian community in these regions. The diocese of the notorious bishop Valens at Mursa would also be ante-Nicene (cp. Socrates, loc. cit.). Even the distant Pettau (in modern Styria) had a bishop circa 300 A.D., and in Victorinus it had one who was famous as a theologian and author, well versed in Greek Christian literature. Pannonia was Romanized, but the last offshoots of Hellenism may have penetrated to this province. <br> </p> <p>It is extremely surprising how few bishops from Moesia or Pannonia (even from the provinces mentioned under 11) were present at Nicaea. Was the emperor indifferent to their presence? Or had they themselves no interest in the questions to be debated at the council? We cannot tell. Nevertheless, the fourth century saw a large part of the mental interchange between East and West realized in the church of one province, and that province was Moesia. <br> </p> <p>The likelihood is that the number of bishops (and consequently of churches also) was still small (see above).-It is intrinsically probable<sup>3</sup> that, Christianity also penetrated </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> In these regions military martyrs seem to have been particularly numerous. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Ursacius was the bishop of this place (cp. Socrat., H.E., i. 27). <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Cp. Hauck, Kircheng. d. Deutschlands, I.(2) pp. 346 f.: "Noricum was a purely Latin province (cp. the Vita Severini, and Mommsen, v. 180). The neighbourhood of Italy, and the brisk trade (dating as far back as the Etruscan age) with this country, suggest an early invasion 0f N0ricum by Christianity. From the East, too, several seeds of the faith -would be borne to the Alpine regions, for Syrian traders visited the towns of Noricum as well as of Gaul." </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[238]] Noricum, a country studded with towns and wholly Romanized by 300 A.D., with Pettau, too, lying close upon its boundary. But the only direct evidence we possess is a notice of the martyrdom of St Florian in Lorsch (Martyrol. Jer.: "in Norico ripense loco Lauriaco," cp. Achelis, op. cit., p. 140). <sup>1</sup> A saint called Maximilicn <sup>2</sup> was also honoured in Salzburg (Hcuck's Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, i. p. 347), and Athanasius mentions bishops of Noricum about the year 343 (Apol. c. Arian i. ; Hist. ad Mon. 28) who attended Sardicc. But, apart from Lorsch, <sup>3</sup> no church in Noricum and no bishopric can be certainly referred to the pre-Constcntine period. Next to Lorsch, Teurnia <sup>4</sup> has the best claim to be assigned an early bishopric. There is no pre-Constantine evidence for Juvcvum. <br> </p> <p>Paul seems to imply that he visited Illyricn territory (Rom. xv. 19), and we are told that Titus went to Dclmctic (l Tim. iv. 10). The wealth of inscriptions which have been discovered reveal c considerable amount of Christianity in Dclmctic, which may be held with great probability to go back to the preConstcntine period, particularly as regards Sclonc (mcrtyrdoms also ; cp. Mart. Syr., and now C.I.L., vol. iii., Supplem., Pcrs Poster.), where c local churchyard is traced back as far as the beginning of the second century (Jelic, in the Rom. Quartalschrift, vol. v., 1891 ; cp. Bull. di archeol. et storia Dalmat., vol. xv., 1892, pp. 159 f.). The episcopcl register of Sclonc can still be partially reconstructed. <sup>5</sup> Domnio was bishop of Sclonc, and was martyred there under Diocleticn. He was followed by Venantius (before 312 A.D.), and shortly afterwards by Primus, whose epitaph has been discovered by Bulic. He is called  nepos [nephew?] of Domnio the martyr." Four Christian stonemasons worked in the mines of Fruschka Gora, whither Cyril, bishop of Antioch, was also banished (cp. <span style="font-style: italic;">Passio quattuor coronat</span>., in <span style="font-style: italic;">Sitzungsberichte der K. Preuss. Akad. d.</span> </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The " Martyrdom" which is extant is worthless. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Was this originally the Mauretanian, whose remains were brought to Rhaetia ? <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> i.e., Lauriacum at the mouth of the Enns. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> i.e., Tiburnia, in Carinthia, on the upper waters of the Drave. <br> <br> <sup>5</sup> Cp. Annal. Boll., xviii. (1899), pp. 369 f. ("Saints d'Istrie et de Dalmatie"), and Delehaye's essay on " L'hagiographie de Salone d'apres les dernieres d6couvertes arch8ol." (ibid., vol. xxiii., 1904, p. 18). </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[239]]<span style="font-style: italic;"> Wissensch.</span>, 1896, pp. 1288 f.). No Christians, or at least extremely few, would be lodged in the Dalmatian islands, which were, as c rule, thinly populated (cp. Jerome's <span style="font-style: italic;">Ep</span>. Ix. 10:&nbsp; "insularum Dalmatiae solitudines"). </p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;; font-weight: bold;"><a name="13"></a> </span><span style="font-weight: bold;">13. THE NORTH AND NORTH-WEST COASTS OF THE BLACK SEA</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">1</sup> <br> </p> <p>Theophilus, bishop of "Gothia," and Cadmus, bishop of Bosporus, attended the Nicene council. Both bishoprics are indeed to be looked for on the Tcuric peninsula, but it is possible that  Gothia" was the bishopric of Tomi. It does not follow that because there were Christians in those cities there were Christian Goths by that time, for the .cities were Greek. But it is certain that the conversion of this German tribethough of individuals in it, only-had commenced before the year 325. <sup>2</sup> On c military raid through Asia Minor in 258, the Goths had captured and taken home with them a number of Ccppcdocicn Christians, who maintained their Christian standing, continued to keep in touch with Ccppcdocic, and did mission-work among the Goths themselves (Philostorg., ii. 5). <sup>3</sup> It was Ulfilcs, of course, who initiated the work of converting the Goths upon c large scale, but shortly before his day mission-work in the interior of Gothic ( 0   ) was undertaken by the Mesopotamian monk Arnobius, who had been banished to Scythic (cp. Epiph., Haer., lxx. 14). Still, Sozomen (viii. 19) notes as c striking fact, that the Scythians had only. one bishop, although their country included </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Cp. Map VII. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The version of the Bible by Ulfilas proves that Gothic then possessed a considerable number -of Latin loan-words, but hardly any Christian ecclesiastical terms. There was also a later and smaller proportion of Greek loan-words (perhaps originally the creation in part of Ulfilas himself), which included many ecclesiastical technical terms. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> This connection between the Gothic Christians and Cappadocia survived and revived in the fourth century. The epistle of the Gothic church, recounting the martyrdom of St. Sabas (Ruinart, pp. 617, f., ed. Ratisbon), is addressed to a Cappadocian church towards the close of the fourth century. Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech., x. 19) mentions martyrs about the middle of the fourth century, not only in Persia but among the Goths, meaning not Greek residents but Goths themselves. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[240]] a number of towns (in which, of course, there were Christians). Tradition tells us of some martyrdoms, which are not quite certain, at the Tauric town of Cherson (Sebastopol) during the reign of Diocletian. So far as I know, the inscriptions discovered in Southern Russia have not revealed any Christian item which can be referred with certainty to the first three centuries. <sup>1</sup> </p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;; font-weight: bold;"><a name="14"></a> </span><span style="font-weight: bold;">14. ROME, MIDDLE AND LOWER ITALY, SICILY, AND SARDINIA </span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">2</sup><span style="font-weight: bold;"> </span><br> </p> <p>For these and all subsequent regions in our discussion, the Nicene list ceases to be of any service ; all it furnishes is the bare fact that deputies from the bishop of Rome, bishop Hosius of- Cordova (as the commissioner of Constantine), bishop Marcus of Calabria (from Brindisi ?),'bishop Caecilian of Carthage, and bishop Nicasius of Duja in Gaul (= Die), were present at the council. In place of it we get the episcopal lists of the synods of Carthage (under Cyprian), Elvira (in Spain, c. 300), Rome (313 A.D.), and Arles (314). The beginnings of Christianity in the Western towns (including Rome) and in the provinces are obscure throughout. A priori, we should conjecture that Rome took some part in the Christianizing of these regions, <sup>3</sup> but beyond this conjecture we cannot </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The statement of Sozomen (ii. 5) does not seem unhistorical :   [he is thinking primarily of Goths and the allied races) x    x y     p x   v s v s   v  ' Px  ("Almost all the barbarians professed to honour Christianity, from the date of the wars between the Romans and the foreign tribes under Gallienus and his successors").<br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Map VIII. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> The. authoritative position of Rome among the Italian churches is exactly parallel to the metropolitan position of the provincial capital in the province. Italy was first divided into (17) provinces by Diocletian, so that there were not any ecclesiastical provinces. As the Italian communities were treated as part of the Roman community, so the Roman Christian community also held and exercised authority, practically and therefore legally, over the Christian churches of Italy. The Roman bishop became not so much the metropolitan of Italy as the regulative authority for all the Italian churches in virtue of his position as "episcopus Romanus." The alteration which took place towards the close of the fourth century lies outside our present purview. The supreme power of the Roman bishop included the right of ordination, as soon as ever that developed. What held true of the Roman community in relation to the Italian churches, applied also-though less definitely and rigidly-to its relations with the Christian [[241b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">communities of the Roman world at large. " Ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum," i.e., it possessed it, as soon as the circumstances of the political organisation and authority began to be important and normative for the churches of the Roman empire, while at the same time a sort of politico-ecclesiastical unity began to prevail in all the churches. </span></div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[241]] go. The later legends which vouch for systematic missionary enterprise on the part of the Roman bishops are unauthentic one and all. Some basis for them may have been afforded by the famous passage in the epistle of Pope Innocent I. to bishop Decentius (Ep. xxv. 2):  It is certain that throughout all Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, and Sicily, and the intervening islands, no one has founded any church except those appointed to the priesthood by the apostle Peter or his successors." But this passage itself is a product of tendency, and destitrtte of historical foundation. <br> </p> <p>In Rome and throughout Italy Christianity at first spread among the Greek population<sup>1</sup> and retained Greek as its language. Even Hippolytus, who belonged to the Roman church and died -circa 235 A.D., wrote exclusively in Greek ; and the first author to employ the Latin tongue in letters, so far as I know, is the Roman bishop Victor (189-199). The episcopal list of the Roman church <sup>2</sup> down to Victor contains only a couple of Latin names. When Polycarp of Smyrna reached Rome in 154 he conducted public worship there (i.e., in Greek), and it was in Greek that the ancient Roman symbol was composed (about the middle of the second century, or, as </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> One recollects Seneca's remarks upon the population of Rome : " Jube istos omnes ad nomen citari et unde domo quisque sit quaere ; videbis maiorem partem esse quae relictis sedibus suis venerit in maximam quidem et pulcherrimam urbem, non tamen suam" (" Have them all summoned by name, and ask each his birthplace. You will find the majority have left their homes and come to the greatest and fairest of cities-yet a city which is not their own "), adv. HeIv. 6. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> I have discussed the origin of the first 48 (47) popes in the Sitzungsber. der K. Preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch. (1904), 14th July, pp. 1044 f. The following preNicene bishops are described in the list as "Graeci," viz. (Anacletus), Euaristus, Telesphorus, Hyginus, Eleutherus, Anterus, Xystus II., and Eusebius ; Anicetus is said to have been a Syrian, Victor and Miltiades Africans, Gaius a Dalmatian. The rest are "Romani" (Cletus, Clement, Alexander, Xystus I., Zephyrinus, Callistus, Urbanus, Pontianus, Fabianus, Cornelius, Lucius, Stephanus, Felix, Marcellinus, Marcellus, and Sylvester) or " Itali " (Linus and Pius) or "Campanus" (Soter) or "Tuscus" (Eutychianus). The origin of Dionysius is undefined. From Victor onwards (perhaps even earlier) the majority of the [[242b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">statements seem to me trustworthy. Anacletus and Telesphorus are said to have come from Athens, Euaristus from Antioch, and his Jewish father Judas from Bethlehem ; Anicetus is reported to have journeyed from Emesa, Rufinus from Aquileia, Soter from Fundi, Eleutherus from Nicopolis-all these items are worthless. But it is credible that Eutychianus (275-283) came from the town of Luna in Tuscany. The districts of five of the bishops born at Rome are given (possibly some local churches were connected with the memory of these popes). </span></div> <p> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[242]] some hold, later).<sup>1</sup> The Roman clergy did not become predominantly Latin till the episcopate of Fabian (shortly before the middle of the third century), and then it was that the church acquired her first Latin writer of importance in the indefatigable presbyter Novatian. <sup>2</sup> Long ere this, of course, there had been a considerable Latin element in the church. Since the middle of the second century, there must have been worship in Latin at Rome as well as in Greek, <sup>3</sup> necessitating ere long translations of the Scriptures. But the origins of the Latin versions of the Bible are wrapt in mystery. They may have commenced in Northern Africa earlier than in Rome itself. Very likely they were prior to 200 A.D. <br> </p> <p>The church of Rome was founded by some unknown missionaries at the beginning of the apostolic age. <sup>4</sup> It was already of considerable importance when Paul wrote to it from Corinth ; it comprised several small churches (ecclesiolae, Rom. </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Jordan (Rhythmische Prose in der altchristl. lot. Litt., 19o5) has recently attempted, on the ground of the rhythm, to prove that the Latin text is the original. But, apart from the fact that this involves a transposition in one passage, the rhythm affords no convincing evidence. <br> <sup>2</sup> Possibly there are some Roman writings among the pseudo-Cyprianic writings, which are earlier than Cyprian. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> According to the "Shepherd" of Hermas, the church still seems entirely Greek ; at least, the author never mentions bilingual worship, though he might have done so. Still, the Latin versions of his own book, of Clemens Romanus, and of the baptismal symbol, fall probably within the second century. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> It is very remarkable that the founders of the Roman church are never mentioned. The list of persons saluted in Rom. xvi. opens with Prisca and Aquila (and the church in their house). Though this indicates that they were the "most prominent " Christians in Rome, yet they are specially mentioned for their services not to the local church but to Paul (and with Paul). If the " church in their house" probably was the oldest, circle within the Roman church (though this is not certain), Prisca and Aquila certainly were not the first Christians in Rome or the founders of the church as a whole. Then comes Epaenetus, " the firstfruits of Asia for Christ." Obviously there was a Christian lite ; this description of Epaenetus (who was either a temporary or permanent resident) explains why he was put second. Then comes a woman who has deserved well of the church, Mary ; then two " apostles," older in point of Christianity than Paul him [[243b]]&nbsp;<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> self, Andronicus and Junias. These, however, cannot have been the founders of the Roman church. They only came to Rome later, after having once been in prison with Paul. The Roman church had really no proper founders ; or else those who might have claimed this title were insignificant people who perhaps were already dead.</span> </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[243]] xvi.) <sup>1</sup>; and  its faith was spoken of throughout all the world " (i. 8). By the time Paul himself reached Rome, there was even a small church  in Caesar's household" (  1,Phil. iv. 22). <sup>2</sup> Not long afterwards, when the Neronic persecution burst upon the church, an " ingens multitudo Christianorum" (Tacitus) or z   b(Clem. Rom. vi.) were resident in Rome. Allowing for the fact that "crowd" means one thing in the case of judicial murders and anothcr thing in that of popular assemblies, we may still regard both of these calculations as sufficiently weighty. The members of the church of Rome must at that time have been already counted by hundreds. <br> </p> <p>Paul and Peter both fell in this persecution. But the church soon recovered itself. We meet it in the epistle of Clement (about 95 A.D.), consolidated, active, and alive to the duty of caring for all the church. The discipline of " our troops" presents itself to this church and the other churches as a pattern of conduct, uniting them together in the ranks and regulations of Christian love. The " rule of tradition " is to be maintained by the church. Order, discipline, and obedience are to prevail, not fanaticism and wilfulness ; every element of excited fervour seems to be tabooed. The Christian church of Rome had in fact adopted even by this time the characteristics of the city, Greek though the church was in nature. It felt itself to be the church of the world's capital. And already it numbered among its members some of the emperor's most intimate circle.<sup>3 </sup><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[244]] </span> </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p></p> </div> </span> <p><sup>1</sup> Many scholars, of course, refer this chapter to Ephesus, but I cannot persuade myself that of 1   ' and 1    (10-11) are to be looked for anywhere except at Rome. </p> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>2</sup> The Roman Christians Claudius Ephesus and Valerius Biton, mentioned in Clem. Rom., would also belong to this group. They are aged and honoured circa 95 A.D. </p> </div> </span> <p><sup>3</sup> T. Flavius Clemens and Domitilla, cp. Above, p. 46  The first Christian catacombs at Rome were already begun. It is impossible to discuss them here. Let me only say that the number, the size, and the extent of the Roman catacombs [[244b]] which can be certainly referred to the pre-Constantine period is so great that even from them we may infer the size of the Roman church, its steady growth, its adherents from distinguished families, its spread all over Rome, etc. Wilpert, in his monumental work on Die Malereien der Katakomben Roms (1903), has established important data for the chronology. He carries on the work of de Rossi (Romae Sotteranea and Inscript. Christianae Urbis Romae Saeculo VII. Antiquiores, 1861-1888), but the Christian inscriptions of Rome still await an editor who shall complete the labours of the latter distinguished scholar. </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>This consciousness on the part of the Roman church, which was justified by the duties which it discharged, was recognized by other churches. Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch, extols it about 115 A.D. in extravagant language as being the "leading church in the region of the Romans" ,    `;) and  the leader of love " (  y, ad Rom., inscript.), whilst Dionysius of Corinth writes to her, about 170 A.D. (Eus., H.E., iv. 13), in terms that have been already quoted (cp. vol. i. p. 184). <br> </p> <p>These and other passages imply that the church had ample means at her disposal,<sup>1</sup> and this, again, suggests a large number of members, including many rich people-an inference corroborated by the  Shepherd" of Hermas, a Roman document which opens our eyes to the state of the church in Hadrian's reign. It reveals a very large number of Christians at Rome, and the presence among them of a considerable number of well-to-do and wealthy members, with whom the author is naturally wroth. The epistle of Ignatius also proves how the church had pushed its way into the most influential circles of the population. Why, the good bishop is actually afraid of being deprived of his martyrdom through the misguided intervention of the Roman Christians ! It goes without saying that, under such circumstances, the needs of the Christian community at Rome could not be met by a single place of assembly. Justin (Acts Justini) says so explicitly. When asked by the judge,  Where do you meet? " he replies,  Where everyone chooses and wherever we can" [which is evasive]. "Think you we can all meet _ in one place? Not so" -(  ;). Still more </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> We know that Marcion brought her a present of 200,000 sesterces when he joined her membership (cp. above, vol. i. p. 156). </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[245]] valuable is the evidence afforded soon after 166 A.D. by the Roman bishop Soter, the author of the so-callcd second epistle of Clement. He observes, in explaining a prophetic<sup>1</sup> passage, (c. ii.), that Christians were already superior in numbers to the Jews ; and although the statement is general, one must assume that, as it was written in Rome, it applied to Rome, and especially to middle and lower Italy. This statement occurs in a letter (i.e., in a homily) addressed by Soter to Corinth. The fact of Soter addrcssing a foreign church, and of the church in question accepting its superior's communication with such gratitude and respect as we find expressed in the reply of Dionysius of Corinth, is a further proof of the repute enjoyed by the Roman church far beyond the bounds of Italy. The Corinthians promise to read this communication on Sundays, as they had already done with the. Roman encyclical forwarded by Clement.</p> <p>Thanks to the large number of Christians from all provinces and sects who continued to flock to Rome, <sup>2</sup> not merely did local Christianity <sup>3</sup> go on increasing, but the church would have had the duty of caring for the interests of the church at large </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> He is explaining Isa. liv. 1, partly of the Jews, partly of the Christians; and in this connection he observes,   6 x    xs , v r s s      (see above, p. 4). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> An almost complete survey is given by Caspari in his Quellen z. Gesch. des Taufsymbols, vol. iii. (1875). <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Cp. the fresh evidence for the size of the Roman church circa 180 A.D. in the Coptic Acta Pauli (K. Schmidt, p. 83). But the most important testimony to the size and prestige of the Roman church is that of Irenaeus (iii. 3) : " Sed quoniam valde longum est, in hoc tali volumine omnium ecclesiarum enumerare successions, <i>maximae</i> et antiquissimae et <i>omnibus cognitae, </i>a gloriosissimis duobus apostolis Petro et Paulo Romae fundatae et constitutae ecclesiae eam quam habet ab apostolis traditonem et annuntiatam hominibus fidem per successiones episcoporum pervenientem usque ad nos indicantes confundimus omnes eos, qui quoquo modo . . . . praeterquam oportet colligunt. ad <i>hanc enim ecclesiam propterpotentiorem principalitatem necesse est omnem convenire ecclesiam, hoc est eos qui sunt undique fideles, in qua semper ab his qui sunt undique conservata est ea quae est ab apostolis traditio"</i> (" But since it would be very long in such a volume as this to enumerate the series of bishops in all the churches, we confound all who in any way .... otherwise than they ought, meet for worship, by pointing out the tradition (which it holds from the apostles) of the most great and ancient and universally known church founded and established at Rome by the two most glorious apostles, Peter and Paul, and also the faith declared to men which comes down to our own day through the episcopal successions. For to this church, on account of its more [[246b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">powerful lead, every church, i.e., the faithful everywhere, must resort; since in it the apostolic tradition has been preserved by those who are from everywhere "). Cp. my essay in the Sitzungsber. d. K. Preuss. Akad. d. Wiss. (1893, 9th October).</span> <p></p> </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[246]] thrust on her, even had she not spontaneously assumed it. Besides, her position in the city grew stronger day by day. In this connection the age of Commodus marked an epoch by itself. Eusebius relates (v. 21) how "our affairs then became more favourable, while the saving word led an uncommonly large number of souls of every race to the devout worship of God. In fact, a number of those who were eminent at Rome for their wealth and birth, began to adopt the way of salvation, with their whole households and families." It is well known, e.g., how much influence the Christians (cp. above, pp. 47-48) had with Marcia, the "devout concubine" ( ) of the emperor.<sup>1</sup> The growing size and prestige of the church soon showed themselves in the despotic attitude assumed by Victor, the Roman bishop, towards the controversy between the Asiatic church and the catholic church (c. 190 A.D.) over the Paschal question.<sup>2<br> </sup>&nbsp;<br> The advance made by Christianity among the upper classes, and especially among women, in Rome, resulted in the edict of bishop Callistus,<sup>3</sup> which gave an ecclesiastical imprimatur to sexual unions between Christian ladies and their slaves. Furthermore, the importance attaching to Christianity in Rome is proved by a number of passages from Tertullian,4 by the attitude of the Roman bishops after Victor, and by the large number of sects which had churches in Rome at the beginning </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> Hippol., Philos., ix. 12. The Roman bishop Victor went to and from her freely. One gathers from this passage also that the Roman church kept a list of all who languished in the mines of Sardinia. The archives of the Roman church certainly went far back ; cp. my study of the origins of the popes (above, p..241). </p> <p><sup>2</sup> The Coptic-Arabic Synaxarium notes, on the loth Hatur (Wustenfeld, I. p. 110), that Victor then held a Roman synod (for which there is other evidence), attended by fourteen bishops and a number of presbyters. The statement may be correct, though the number is so low. </p> <p><sup>3</sup> The statement of the papal catalogue about Callistus having built a church in Rome across the Tiber (" trans Tiberim ")maybe quite authentic. It is quite authentic, at any rate, that under Zephyrinus he was put in charge of a  at Rome, and that he ordained bishops for Italy (Hippol., Philos., ix. 12). </p> <p>4 He writes, e.g., of the emperor Septimius : " Sed et clarissimas feminas et clarissimos viros, sciens huius sectae esse, non modo non laesit verum et testimonio exornavit" (ad Scap. iv. ; cp. above, p. 48). </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[247]] of the third century. Besides the catholic churches, we know of a Montanist, a Theodotian (or Adoptian), a Modalist,. a Marcionite, and several gnostic churches besides the church of Hippolytus. <br> </p> <p>After the reign of Commodus and the episcopate of Victor, the reign of Philip the Arabian and the episcopate of Fabian <sup>1</sup> (236-250) form the next stage in the story (cp. Protest. RealEncyklop.<sup>(3)</sup>, v. pp. 721 f.). Two phases of organization mark the growing size of the church at Rome. One is the creation of the lower clergy with their five orders, the other is the division of the Roman church into seven districts (or 7 x p2), corresponding to the different quarters of the city (Catal. Liber.: " Fabianus regiones divisit diaconibus ").<sup>2</sup> Two items of evidence throw light upon the extent a id the importance of the church at this period (c. 250 A.D.): one is the saying of Decius, that he would rather have a rival emperor in Rome than a bishop ; <sup>3</sup> and the other is the statement of Cornelius, bishop of Rome, in a letter (Eus., vi. 43), to the effect that " there were 46 presbyters, 7 deacons, 7 sub-deacons, 4 2 acolytes, 52 exorcists, readers, and doorkeepers, and 1500 widows and persons in distress, all of whom the Master's grace and lovingkindness support" (  ;,  , Q , p  v , p r v y    v ,    Q p  , S      v  ). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[248]]</span> </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Fabian had been a country-bishop in the neighbourhood of Rome, or even a farmer (Eus., HE., vi. 29). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Duchesne's Le Liber Pontif., i. P. 148; and Harnack in Texte u. Unters., ii. 5. The entry in the papal list runs thus : " Hic regiones dividit dias conibus et fecit vii subdiacones."-Apropos of Clement I., the papal list had noted : " Hic fecit vii regiones, dividit notariis fidelibus ecclesiae [sic], qui gestas martyrum sollicite et curiose unusquisque per regionem suam diligenter perquireret." The statement, of course, is valueless. See further under "Euarestus." <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> So we learn from Cyprian, Ep. Iv. 9. With this antithesis we may compare a remark of Aurelian, preserved by Flavius Vopiscus (Aurelian, c. xx.) : " Miror vos, patres sancti, tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitasse libris, proinde quasi in Christianorum ecclesia, non in templo deorum omnium tractaretis" ("I am astonished, holy father, that you have hesitated so long upon the question of opening the Sibylline books, just as if you were debating in the Christian assembly and not in the temple of all the gods"). </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>So far as regards statistics, this passage is the most important in our possession for the church-history of the first three centuries. In 251 A.D. the Roman church had evidently 155 clergy (with their bishop), who were maintaincd and fed, together with over 1500 widows and needy persons. From this I should put the number of Christians belonging to the catholic church in Rome at not less than 30,000. <sup>1</sup> The forty-six priests perhaps denote as many places of worship in the city ; <sup>2</sup> for, as we see from Optatus (ii. 4), there were over forty basilicas in Rome about the year 300 ( quadraginta et quod excurrit basilicas"). This large number indicates the great size of, the church. <sup>3</sup> <br> </p> <p>The great Novatian schism split the Roman church, but only a minority went over to the  Purists." From a letter of bishop Cornelius to Fabius, bishop of Antioch (Eus., H.E., vi. 43), we learn that Novatian was consecrated by three imported bishops from  a small and very limited district" of Italy (   v ), whom Cornelius deposed, ordaining others in their place and sending them to the aforesaid dioceses.4 In </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>1</sup> So too Renan (Mart-Aurele, p. 451). Probably this estimate is too low (Renan: 30,000-40,000). At Antioch, as Chrysostom narrates (Opp., vii. pp. 658, 810), the 3000 persons in receipt of relief were members of one church consisting of over 100,000 souls. In the case of Rome, then, we might put the total at about 50,000, which is the estimate of Gibbon, followed by Friedlander and Dollinger (Hippolyt and Callist, p. 24). One may assume, however, that the readiness of Christians to make sacrifices was greater about 250 in Rome than it was about 380 in Antioch, so that I should exercise caution and calculate only 30,000, which would amount-if one puts the population of Rome very roughly at 900,000-to about a thirtieth of the population. Friedlander's (Sittengesch., iii. P. 531) calculations bring out a twentieth (50,000 to a million). He may perhaps be right ; at any rate, the total about 250 A. D. lies somewhere between a twentieth and a thirtieth (from 5 to 3 per cent.). But between 250 and 312 an extraordinary increase of Christianity certainly occurred everywhere, including Rome, which I doubt not is at least equivalent to a doubling of the previous total (from 10 to 7 per cent.). </p> </div> </span> <p><sup>2</sup> For the reasons which led to an increase of presbyters in any town, cp. Schiffer (Pfarrkirche u. Stift, 1903). His work deals with the mediaeval situation, but it also throws light upon the early Christian church. He also discusses (pp. 85 f.) the  of the council of Nicaea (can. 16, 17). </p> <p><sup>3</sup> Athanasius (Apol. 2 adv. Arian) mentions the church of Biton the presbyter at Rome as one in which a synod was held. </p> <p><sup>4</sup> This proves (1) once more that the Roman bishop possessed and practised the right of ordination, in fact under certain circumstances the right of appointment, in Italy ; (2) that he himself was ordained by Italian bishops, that any [[249b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> Italian bishop could be summoned to the ordination (for Cornelius did not demur to the abstract right of the imported bishops), but that as a rule bishops in the vicinity of Rome completed the ordination (Cornelius himself being consecrated with the help of sixteen Italian bishops; cp. Cypr., Ep. IV. 24). According to the Liber diurnus, p. 24, the bishop of Ostia usually consummated the ordination, while the bishops of Albano and Portus offered up the prayers. But we cannot decide whether this custom obtained as early as the third century. Incidentally, we find that bishop Ursinus was ordained by the bishop of Tibur in the middle of the fourth century.</span> </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[249]] the same letter Cornelius tells of a Roman synod held in connection with the schism, <i>attended by sixty bishops and a larger number of presbyters and deacons,</i><sup>1</sup> while he closes with a list (which is unfortunately lost) of those bishops who had appeared at Romc and condemned the folly of Novatian.  In this list he gives their names and also the diocesc which each represented. He also gives the names of those who did not put in an appearance at Rome, but gave their assent in writing to the decision of those already mentioned-together with the town from which each wrote." From this we may argue that in the middle of the third century Italy possessed at least nearly one hundred bishops ; for the absentees and the adherents of Novatian must be added to the sixty who were present of the Roman synod. <br> </p> <p>Shortly after Fabian, Dionysius (259-268) apparently instituted the class, of parish churches in Rome, and at the same time fixcd the episcopal dioceses under the metropolitan see of the capital, the former task being completed by Marcellus (308/309). Such is Duchesne's (op. cit., i. 157) correct reading of the statements in the papal list :  Hic presbiteris ecclesias dedit et cymiteria et parrocias diocesis constituit," and (p. 164) " hic fecit cymiterium Novellae via Salaria et xxv titulos in urbe Roma constituit, quasi diocesis, propter baptismum et paenitentiam multorum qui convertebantur ex paganis et propter sepulturas martyrum." The parish churches of thc city, <sup>2</sup></p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> In the Coptic-Arabic Synaxarium for the 12th of Kihak (Wustenfeld, II. pp. 172 f.) the number of presbyters, with the sixty bishops, is put at eighteen. The Roman synod at which Athanasius vindicated his character numbered "more than fifty bishops " (Apol. c. Arian, i. ). The numerical agreement is remarkable, but perhaps it is no more than an accident. The two synods were almost a century apart. </p> <p><sup>2</sup> There is no occasion to go into details with regard to these churches, as we have no sources bearing upon their further statistics. But their large number is [[250b]]&nbsp;<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> itself significant. The papal catalogue-erroneously, of course-makes Pope Cletus create twenty-four parishes each under a presbyter at Rome ; then again we read of Euarestus, " hic titulos in urbe Roma dividit presbiteris."</span> </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[250]]&nbsp; to the number of twenty-five, are the churches inside the city with their respective districts. The graveyards are the churchyards connected with the churches round about Rome (there being no rural parishes in the Roman church, and chorlpiscopi being unknown in Italy). The "parochial dioclsis" are the lpiscopal churches under the control of the metropolis ; but unfortunately we know neither their number nor their names. <sup>1</sup> <br> </p> <p>The depth to which Christianity had struck its roots, even in the soil of culture, and the extent to which its doctrines rivalled those of the philosophers, may be seen from the discussions upon the dogmas of the various Christian parties in which Plotinus found it necessary to engage (cp. Carl Schmidt's  Plotinus and his Attitude to Gnosticism and the Christianity of the Church," Texte u. Unters., xx. 4). The Syrian ladies of the royal house, Alexander Severus, Philip the Arabian, and the consort of Gallienus, had already directed their attention to Christianity, while (as we have seen above, p. 133) Aurllian used the church as a basis for his Eastern policy, and favoured that party in Antioch which held by the bishops of Rome and Italy. As for the brotherly feeling and wealth of the Roman Christians at this period, the best proof of. these is to be found in their support of the churches in Syria, Arabia, and Cappadocia (cp. above, pp. 136, 155). These contributions, which had become an old custom by the time of Sotlr (c. 170), were carried out by the latter bishop, and are again to be met with in the middle of the third century ; they show, better than all other evidence, how comprehensive was the care taken of the church at large by the church of Rome. <br> </p> <p>During the subsequent period we find the usurpcr Maxlntius assuming the mask of friendliness towards Christianity at the beginning of his reign,  in order to cajole the people of Rome." If this statement is reliable (Eus., H.E., viii. 14), it proves that </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p></p> </div> </span> <p><sup>1</sup> Dollinger (Hippolyt and Callist, pp. 108 f.) is hardly right in arguing that the seven suburban bishops were not so closely connected with the Roman church till the eighth century. But we know no particulars. </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[251]] Christians must have formed a very considerable percentage of the population. It is contradicted, however, by the fact that Maxlntius ere long relied on Roman paganism, and persecuted the Christians. <sup>1</sup> Furthermore, we gather from the measures taken by Constantine immediately after the rout of Maxentius, as well as from his donations, how much importance he attached to the Roman bishop. Finally, the sixth canon of Nicaea informs us that the Roman bishop exercised the unquestioned right of ordination, as metropolitan, over a number of provinces (Italy ,having been divided up into provinces by Diocletian). The precise delimitation of this large diocese (c. 325 A.D.) cannot now be ascertained, but there can be no doubt that Middle as well as Lower Italy (and Sicily ?) was subject to his jurisdiction. <sup>2</sup> Italy was not divided into ecclesiastical provinces by the time of the Nicene council. It is impossible here to discuss the nature </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> It deserves notice at least that, according to the Liber Pontif., "tempore Marcellini papae fuit persecutio magna, ut intra xxx dies 17,000 hominum promiscui sexus per diversas provincias martyrio coronarentur Christiani." <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> For the older controversies on this topic, see Hefele's Concrlien-Gesch(2), i. (Eng. trans., vol. i. ). For the idea of the "urbica diocesis," see especially the essay of Mommsen on "The Italian Regions" in the Kiepert-Festschrift (1898), although it hardly covers the ecclesiastical conception. " In Italy, during the republican period, there were no districts delimited by law, but only city territories." The subjection of the peninsula to Rome found expression in the dissolution of all local confederations (even the surviving Etruscan federation became merely sacro-legal). The names of the tribes survived, without any strict demarcation or administrative significance. This was not altered under the emperors. Previous to Diocletian there was only one division for Italy, viz., that of the eleven Regions (instituted by Augustus), which were simply numbered. These Regions, however, were not spheres of judicial administration (which were excluded by the Roman rule in Italy) ; they simply served as a basis for the census. The sharp contrast between Italy and, the provinces thus remained unaltered. Special districts were only created ad hoc for definite administrative purposes. The "urbica diocesis" for chancery cases is an exception ; during the second and third centuries it embraced Latium, Campania, and Samnium. Furthermore, the territory up to the tooth milestone along the city-roads formed a special sphere for the " praefectus urbis." But neither this nor the "urbica diocesis," so far as we can judge, has any bearing on the metropolitan position of the Roman bishop, who enjoyed from the very outset the advantages accruing to him from the lack of any Italian provincial divisions. He was the archbishop of all Italy. Here, too, the political organization is reflected in the history of the ecclesiastical. It was through the provincial redistribution of Italy under Diocletian that the position of the Roman bishop was first threatened indirectly ; he now encountered rivals whom he had to subdue. Let me distinctly [[252b]]&nbsp;<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> state that such terms as "metropolitan jurisdiction" or "higher metropolitan jurisdiction" cannot properly be used with reference to any of the Western provinces, for there was really no metropolitan class in the West before 325 A.D., as there was in the East. All that transpired was the accruing of certain powers to Rome (and Carthage) under the practical exigencies of the situation. We must think of these powers as in part less, in part greater, than those of the Oriental metropolitan centres, but in any case they were still indefinite-an indefiniteness which lasted down to the beginning of the fourth century, and which told in favour of Rome subsequently. The position of Rome as the higher metropolitan and superior church has been recently discussed by Lubeck, op. cit., pp. 92 f., 118, 125 f., 131 f., 208 f.-The acts of a Roman synod held under Sylvester describe its members as including 284 (Italian) bishops, 57 Egyptian bishops, 142 Roman priests, 6 deacons, 6 subdeacons, 45 acolytes, 22 exorcists, and 9o readers from Rome, with 14 notaries. But as the Acts are a forgery, these numbers are worthless.</span> </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[252]] of the practical primacy enjoyed by the Roman bishop, as that comes out in his relations with Africa, Spain, Gaul, and the East, in the middle of the third century. <br> </p> <p>Such are perhaps the most weighty testimonies available for the increase, the extent, and the importance of the Roman church. At the same time it must not be overlooked that the majority of the aristocracy were still pagans (cp. Aug., Confess., viii. 2, 3, etc.). <br> </p> <p>As for the other Italian cities, we have to bewail the silence of our sources, although the above-mentioned information, which we were able to cull from Cornelius' account of his synod, <sup>1</sup> is of some value. We saw that there were certainly about one hundred bishoprics in Middle and Lower Italy about 250 A.D. ; possibly there were also some in Upper Italy. Hence it follows that there must have been considerably more at the beginning of the fourth century, for the period 260-300 A.D. was in general a period of the greatest external advance in Christianity. A further inference is that, by the opening of the fourth century, almost every town of considerable size in Italy (perhaps with </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p></p> </div> </span> <p><sup>1</sup> A synod was held at Rome shortly before that of Cornelius, during the vacancy in the papacy. Novatian (Cypr., Ep. xxx. 8) says of it : "Nos . . . . et quidem multi et quidem cum quibusdam episcopis vicinis nobis et adpropinquantibus et quos ex aliis provinciis longe positis persecutionis istius ardor eiecerat" (" We . in large numbers, and moreover with some neighbouring bishops [so that there must have been some in the adjoining towns) and some within reach, and some who had been driven away by the heat of that persecution from other provinces at a long distance "). It is remarkable that bishops, when forced to flee, made their way to Rome. </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[253]] the exception of the interior) would have Christians (or a bishop) within its walls.<sup>1</sup> <br> </p> <p>Churches can be traced in the following towns<sup>2</sup>:&nbsp;<br> </p> <ul> <li>Puteoli (Acts xxviii. 13 f.). <sup>3</sup> </li> <li>Naples (the catacombs rendcr it likely that there were Christians here as early as the second century ; see also I.iber Pontif., s.v. " Sylvester." The local Jews must have been numerous from a very early period). <br> </li> <li>Antium (Hippol., Philos., ix. 12; the local cemetery [above ground] was probably very old, cp. <br> Bullett., 1869, pp. 81 f.). <sup>4</sup> <br> </li> <li>Portus (Hipp.; synod of Arles in 314 A.D.: "Gregorius episcopus de loco qui est in Portu Romae ").<sup>5</sup> <br> </li> <li>Ostia (synod of Rome <sup>6</sup> in 313 A.D., " Maximus ab Ostia" ; synod of Arles, the presbyters Leontius and Mercurius ; I.ib. Pontif., s.v. "Sylvester "). <br> </li> <li>Tibur.<sup>7</sup> <br> </li> <li>Albanum (Lib. Pontif., s. V. " Sylvester "). <br> </li> <li>Fundi (I.ib. Pontif., s.v. " Anterus "). <br> </li> <li>Amiternum, near Aquila (Texte u. Unters., xi. 2. p. 46). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[254]]</span> </li> </ul> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The assertion of the papal list (s. v. "Sylvester" ; cp. Duchesne, pp. cxxxv. Q, which recurs in other sources, to the effect that Sylvester held a synod of 275 bishops (not that mentioned above), after the council of Nicaea, may be correct. But I pass over this point. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Hermes (Vis., ii. 4) unfortunately does not name the "outside cities" (Qw adAeis) to which a certain booklet was to be sent. They need not have been confined to Italy. One of the teachers of Clem. Alex. was a Syrian who, during the second half of the second century, stayed in Greater Greece (Strom., i. t ; cp. Eus., v. II ). Another in the same country came from Egypt. Sicily first came into the history of the church in connection with the "Sicilian bee," Pantaenus (loc. cit. ). <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Nissen (Italische Landeskunde, II. i. (1902), p. 122) ranks Puteoli in the first class of Italian towns, with regard to the number of inhabitants. Puteoli had a strong community of Jews, and the Acta Petri, vi. (Vercell.) presuppose the existence of local Christians. For Pompeii, cp. above, p. 93 <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Jews (cp. Schol. on Juv., Satir., iv. 117 f.), but not Christians (despite the Acta Petri, vi.), are to be traced at Aricia. <br> <br> <sup>5</sup> For the signatures to the council of Arles, cp. Routh's Reliq. Sacr.(3), iv. PP. 312 f. <br> <br> <sup>6</sup> For the signatures to this synod (nineteen bishops), cp. Optat., I. 22 f. ; Routh, pp. 280f. <br> <br> <sup>7</sup> If Ursinus was consecrated (see above) by the bishop of Tibur in the fourth century (middle of), Tibur must have had a bishopric by the date of the Nicene council. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> <ul> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>&nbsp;Aureus Mons, or some other locality in Picenum (ibid., pp. 47,53).<br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Tres Tabernae (synod of Rome, 313 A.D., "Felix a Tribus Tabernis" ). <sup>1</sup><br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Sinna [Cesena? Siena ? Segni ?] (ibid., " Florianus a Sinna "). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Quintianum (ibid., " Zoticus a Quintiano ").<sup>2</sup> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Rimini (ibid., " Stennius ab Arimino "). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Florence (ibid., " Felix a Florentia "). <br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Pisa (ibid., " Gaudentius a Pisis "). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Faenza (ibid., " Constantius a Faventia "). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Forum Claudii [Oriolo] (ibid.,  Donatianus a Foro Claudii "). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Capua (ibid.,  Proterius a Capua"; Arles, 314 A.D., " Proterius episc., Agrippa et Pinus [Agrippinus ?] diacones [diaconus]"; Lib. Pontif., s.v. " Sylvester." There was also a local Jewish community). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Terracina (Rome, 313 A.D. ;  Sabinus a Terracina"; cp. Acta Petri et Pauli, 12, and Acta Ner. et Achill.). <br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Praeneste (ibid., " Secundus a Praeneste "). <br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Ursinum (ibid., " Evandrus ab Ursino "). <sup>3</sup> <br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Beneventum (ibid., "Theophilus a Benevento"). <br> </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Brindisi (cp. above, p. 240). </p> </div> </span></li> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>Syracuse (Cyprian ; <sup>4</sup> Eus., H.E., x. 5, 21; Arles, 314 A.D., " Chrestus episcopus, Florus diaconus "). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[255]]</span> </p> </div> </span></li> </ul> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The bishop stood between the bishops of Praeneste and Ostia ; hence the Tres Tabernae in que3tion is that on the Via Appia, not any of the other places of this name. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Perhaps = Quintiana on the coast, north of Centumcellae. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> It is looked for near Rome, but I know no place of this name. We cannot suppose any misspelling (Urbinum). <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> The earliest proof of any Christian churches in Sicily is furnished by Cyprian's thirtieth epistle, c. 5, although the sites of the Christian catacombs may actually go back as far as the second century. This epistle informs us that during the Decian persecution letters were sent by the Roman clergy to Sicily. As Syracuse is known to have been the capital of Sicily in the fourth century, there must have been a local church in existence about 250 A. D. Cp. Fuhrer's Forsch. zur Sicilia Sotteranea (1897), pp. 170 f. He shows that one catacomb-structure in Syracuse was made shortly after 26o A.D. " While the small number of Christians in the town, during the first centuries of our era, contented themselves, to all appearance, with a series of small subterranean chambers or isolated catacombs of no great size as burial-places,-such as have been preserved near the erstwhile Capuchin monastery and southwards along the railway to Catania,-the need for larger cemeteries was first felt during the era of peace which followed the stormy persecution of Valerian <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[255b]]&nbsp;</span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> and added a host of new adherents to the Christian faith. Thus it was after 260 A.D. that the oldest part of the cemetery of S. Maria di Gesu was founded, as well as the foundations of the elaborate catacombs of Vigna Cassia." Of all the other Sicilian catacombs which Fuhrer has enumerated and described (" and no province of the Roman Empire," says N. Muller, "is as rich as Sicily in subterranean graveyards, large and small"), there is not one which I would venture to assign with any confidence to the pre-Constantine period, although Schultze (Arch,rol. Studien, 1880, pp. 123 f.) believes that he can deduce from the evidence of the monuments the existence of a Christian community at Syracuse by the second century, and even by the opening of that century.</span> </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <ul> <li>Civita Vecchia [Centumcellae] (Arles, 314 A.D.,  Epictetus a Centumc."). </li> <li>Civitas Arpiensium [in Apulia] (Arles, 314 A.D.,  Pardus episc., Crescens diaconus"). </li> <li>Cagliari (ibid., " Quintasius episc., Ammonius presbyter").<sup>1</sup> <br> </li> <li>[Gaeta] (Acta Petri et Pauli, 12). </li> </ul> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>1</sup> For Christians in the mines of Sardinia, cp. Hipp., Philos., ix. 12; Catal. Liber., s. v. "Pontian"; probably also, at an earlier date, Dionys. Cor., in Eus., H.E., iv. 23. Catacombs in Cagliari. -Eusebius, who became bishop of Vercelli in 340, came from Sardinia. Paganism long survived in this province. Pope Symmachus (498-514) was a Sardinian (cp. the Lib. Pontif.). From his Apolog. adv. Anast, we learn that on reaching Rome ("veniens ex paganitate ") he was baptized. </p> </div> </span></div> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> </span><br> In the towns now to be mentioned, the existence of Christian churches (or bishoprics) is proved from martyrdoms and various notices. Such sources are not absolutely reliable in every case ; but when one reflects that there were certainly about a hundred bishops in Italy circa 250 A.D., and still more circa 325 A.D., it becomes a priori probable, on this ground alone, that these towns had Christian churches in them. They are as follows :--<br> </p> <ul> <li>Ancona. <br> </li> <li>Aquila. <br> </li> <li>Ascoli [Asculum] in Picenum. <br> </li> <li>Assisi. <br> </li> <li>Avellino [Abellinum] <br> </li> <li>Bassano (Baccanae in Etruria). <br> </li> <li>Bettona. <br> </li> <li>Camerino [Camerinum] ? <br> </li> <li>Catania.<sup>2 </sup><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[256]]</span></li> </ul> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"></span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>2</sup> According to the Acta Euplii. I no longer employ the Acta Felicis episc. Thibiucae, from which I formerly took Girgenti and Taormina ; Monceaux (Rev. Archeol., fourth series, v., 1905, May, June) pp. 335 f.) has shown that the second part of them is unauthentic, and that in the towns of Italy which are in <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[256b]]</span> question (also Messina and Catania) it was not Felix himself, but only his relics which were taken round. Still, there is a certain likelihood that both Girgenti and Taormina had bishops before 325 A.D. I have passed over the bishops (or bishoprics) mentioned in the Liber Predest., but as it is probable that ch. xvi. rests upon a sound, though misunderstood, tradition, and as it mentions bishop Eustachius of Lilybaeum and Theodorus of Panormus, there is some probability of bishoprics having existed in these places about the year 300, and of a Sicilian synod having been held about that time.-On the post-Constantine date of the Maltese catacombs in general, see Mayr, Rom. Quartalschrift, XV. iii. pp. 216 f. But there were certainly Christians in Malta prior to Constantine. <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p></p> </div> </span></div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <ul> <li>Cumae. </li> <li>Fano. </li> <li>Ferentino. </li> <li>Fermo. </li> <li>Foligno ? </li> <li>Forli ? </li> <li>Forlimpopoli? (Brictinorium, Bertinoro). <br> </li> <li>Hybla maior. </li> <li>Leontion. </li> <li> (Lilybaeum.) </li> <li>Lucca. </li> <li>Messina (so Acta Petri et Pauli, 7). <br> </li> <li>Nepi (et Sutri) ? </li> <li>Nocera. </li> <li>Nola (the martyr Felix). </li> <li> (Palermo.) </li> <li>Perugia. </li> <li>Pesaro ? </li> <li>Salerno. </li> <li>Sipontum. </li> <li>Spoleto. </li> <li>Teano. </li> <li>Terni. </li> <li>Todi. </li> <li>Trani. </li> </ul> <p>We can probably assume that a Christian church existed at Clusium (in Etruria), as the cemetery of St Catherine appears to belong to the third century (see Bormann in Corp. Inscr. I.at., xi. pp. 403 f.).&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <br> </p> <p>Lower Italy, as our survey shows, had unquestionably a [[257]] larger number of Christian churches<sup>1</sup> than Middle Italy (apart from Rome) ; though we cannot prove this. The state of matters which prevailed in the interior of Middle Italy, and in fact not very far from the coast, even as late as the opening of the sixth century, is revealed by the history of Benedict of Nursia. In spite of the prevailing uncertainty, a glance at the map shows that Christianity probably had three central settlements in Italy, viz., Rome, Puteoli-Naples, and Ariminum (Rimini). There seems to have also been a small nucleus on the upper waters of the Tiber. </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p style="font-weight: bold;"><a name="15"></a> 15. UPPER ITALY AND THE ROMAGNA<sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p>Not merely from negative evidence, but from the history of the church in these districts (though they stood apart politically and in point of civilization) during the fourth and fifth centuries, it is certain that Christianity entered them late and slowly, and that it was still scanty about the year 325 A.D. <sup>3</sup> As it passed from east to west in Upper Italy, Christianity must have fallen off and become more and more sparse. Before 325 we </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The existence of numerous bishoprics in Lower Italy is proved by the rescript of Constantine (21st October 319) to Octavian, the viceroy of Lucania and Bruttium (Mommsen, Theodos. Codex, p. 835): "Qui divino cultui ministeria religionis impendunt, i.e., hi qui clerici appellantur, ab omnibus muneribus excusentur, ne sacrilego livore quorundam a divinis obsequiis avocentur. "-There was a strong Jewish community (as the catacombs show) at Venosa, but it is uncertain whether there was any Christian church prior to Constantine (cp. N. Muller, Prot. RealEncyk. (3), x. p. 807). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Map IX. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> As I have already (vol. i. pp. 445 f.) discussed it with some thoroughness I do not take up at this point the passage in Theodore of Mopsuestia's commentary on the Pauline epistles (Swete, vol. ii., 1882, pp. 121 f.). " In every province there were usually two, or at most three bishops, at first-a state of matters which prevailed till recently in most of the Western provinces, and which may be found still in one or two of them. As time went on, however, bishops were ordained not only in towns but also in small districts." The fourth canon of Nicaea presupposes that in none of the Eastern provinces were there fewer than four bishops. -For the rapid Christianizing which went on during the fourth century, a passage in the eighth sermon of Gaudentius, bishop of Brescia, is very instructive (Migne, Lat. xx. Col. 892) : " Constat populum gentium ex errore idololatriae, in quem fuerat olim devolutus, nunc ad christianae veritatis cultum celeritate rotae cuiusdam properare currentis." <br> </div> <p> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[258]] have no trustworthy account of any Christians in Piedmont and Liguria. <sup>1</sup> The sole exception is Genoa, and even that is doubtful. The first bishopric in Piedmont was not established till after the middle of the fourth century (cp. Savio's <i>Gli antichi vescovi d'Italia. Il Piemonte, 1898</i>).<sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p>The eastern side of Upper Italy, however, can be shown to have possessed several bishoprics, from whose subsequent demeanour and position it is plain that their authority was derived (" auctoritas praesto erat ") hardly from Rome (at least, not exclusively) but from the Balkan peninsula. Ecclesiastically, it was a longer road from Rome to Ravenna and Aquileia than from Sirmium, Sardica, and Thessalonica. And this state of matters did not originate in the fourth century ; on the contrary, it was not till then that, owing to the new political conditions of the age, the Roman church exerted any preceptible </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The statement of Sulpicius Severus (Chron., ii. 32) about the divine religion being received only at a late period on the other side of the Alps (" serius trans Alpes dei religione suscepta," see below) may also be referred to the Maritime Alps. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> At the synod of Milan (355 A.D.), Dionysius, bishop of Alba (Pompeia), was present ; and Socrates (ii. 36) describes Alba as !  . In spite of this, however, we have no guarantee that Alba had a bishopric before 325 A. D. In fact there is the less reason to assume this, as Socrates is most probably wrong in making Dionysius bishop of Alba. He was bishop of Milan. Or, had he previously been bishop of Alba ?-Vercelli ("olim potens, nunc raro est habitatore semiruta," Jer., Ep. i. 3) became an episcopal seat in 355 A.D., and Eusebius (" ex lectore urbis Romae," Jer., de Vir. Ill. xcvi.) was probably the first bishop. In his Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, I.(') (p. 26), Hauck thinks he can prove from Ambrose, Epist. i. 63, that some of the bishoprics in Upper Italy had not been long in existence by the time of Ambrose. I do not doubt this. Only I would not rest on the passage in question. Ambrose is writing to the church of Vercelli : " I am consumed with grief, because the church of God in your midst has not a priest yet, it being the only one destitute of such an official in all Liguria or Aemilia or Venetia or the rest of the lands bordering on Italy" (" Conficior dolore, quia ecclesia domini, quae est in vobis, sacerdotem adhuc non habet ac sola nunc ex omnibus Liguriae atque Aemiliae Venetiarumque vel ceteris finitimis partibus Italiae huiusmodi eget officio "). Hauck recalls, correctly enough, that the bishopric of Vercelli was several decades old when Ambrose wrote, so that "adhuc non habet" means simply a temporary vacancy; but he infers from "nunc ex omnibus" that the bishoprics of all the Upper Italian churches were of recent origin. Yet, if "adhuc non" merely denotes a temporary vacancy, one can hardly take what follows in a different sense. Indeed, one might infer from the passage that the Christians in all the larger communities of these districts had now bishops of their own, </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[259]] influence over these towns and districts. The bishoprics were as follows:--<br> </p> <ul> <li>Ravenna (twelfth bishop at Sardica, 343 A.D.). </li> <li>Milan (synod of Rome, 313 A.D., bishop Merocles ; seventh bishop, the said Merocles, with Severus the deacon, at Arles, 314 A.D.). <sup>1</sup> </li> <li>Aquileia (synod of Arles, bishop Theodorus and the deacon Agathon-evidently a Greek). </li> <li>Brescia (fifth bishop at Sardica).<sup>2</sup> </li> <li>Verona (sixth bishop at Sardica). </li> <li>Bologna (Mart. Vitalis et Agricolae; see also Martyriol. Syriacum). </li> <li>Imola (Mart). </li> </ul> <p>The evidence of martyrdoms and episcopal lists is uncertain upon the existence of churches at Padua (though this is probable on a priori grounds), Bergamo, Como, Piacenza, Modena, Cremona, and Genoa.<sup>3</sup> <br> </p> <p>The insignificance of the churches even in the larger towns of Upper Italy about the year 300, seems to me to be proved by a passage from Paulinus Mediol. (Vita Ambrosii, 14), where we read that "on the invitation of the Florentines, Ambrose travelled down as far as Tuscany . . . . and erected a basilica in the city, where he placed the remains of the martyrs Vitalis and Agricola, whose bodies he had exhumed in Bologna. For the bodies of the martyrs had been buried amongst the bodies of the Jews, nor was their location known to the saints, had not the holy martyrs revealed it to the priest" ("Invitatus</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Hilarius Pict., Liber c. Const. imper., c. II : "Mediolanensis piissima plebs." <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Constantine (in 317 A.D.) banished Castilian, bishop of Carthage, for a time to Brescia. He would not have sent the bishop to a town which had no Christians in it. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> St Martin of Tours, when a lad of ten (i.e., circa 326-329 A.D.), stayed at Pavia along with his father, who was an officer of high rank. As Sulpicius Severus (Vita Martini, 2) remarks that " he fled to the church against his parents' wishes, when a lad of ten, and demanded to be received as a catechumen" ("cum esset annorum decem, invitis parentibus, ad ecclesiam fugit seque catechumenum fieri postulavit"), it follows that there must have been a Christian church in those days at Pavia.-The first bishop of Padua of whom we possess reliable information lived in the reign of Constans. There is no trace of bishoprics at Como or Bergamo till the age of Theodosius 1. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[260]] Ambrosius a Florentinis ad Tusciam usque descendit .... in eadem civitate basilicam constituit, in qua deposuit reliquias martyrum Vitalis et Agricolae, quorum corpora in Bononiensi civitate levaverat. posita enim erant corpora martyrum inter corpora Judaeorum, Dec erat cognitum populo Christiano, nisi se sancti martyres sacerdoti ipsi revelarent "). The Christian community at Bologna would seem therefore at the time of the Diocletian persecution to have still been so small that it had no churchyard of its own. <sup>1</sup> </p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;; font-weight: bold;"><a name="16"></a> </span><span style="font-weight: bold;">16. GAUL, BELGICA, GERMANY, AND RHAETIA</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">2</sup><br> <br> On the shores of the Mediterranean and in the Rhone valley, where the Greek <sup>3</sup> population was in close touch with Asia, Rome, and even Syria, Christianity established itself <sup>4</sup> not later than about the middle of the second century. While the</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> I must avoid entering into any details upon the previous history of the church in the three great centres Ravenna, Milan, and Aquileia. The legend of Ravenna assigns the eleventh and twelfth bishops a reign, between them, of 116 years, in order to run the twelve bishops (dating back from 348 A.D.) back to Peter. If the twelfth bishop of Ravenna attended the synod of Sardica, the local church may have been founded by the opening of the third century or the end of the second. In the early Byzantine period, Milan claimed to have been founded by the apostle Barnabas, and consequently to be the only directly apostolic church in the West, besides Rome. This claim, however, is untenable. The fact of seven bishops having ruled till 316 A.D. suggests that the bishopric (and the church) was founded during the first half of the third century.-The founding of the church at the large town of Aquileia came at a still later period, probably not until the Diocletian era, or shortly before it. -Still, a reconstruction of the local church had to be undertaken in 336 A.D., as the older building was no longer adequate (Athanas., Apol. ad Const. imp., 15). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Map IX. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> On Hellenism in Southern Gaul, cp. Mommsen's Rom. Gesch., v. pp. 10o f. (Eng. trans., i. 110 f), Caspari s Quellen zur Gesch. des Taufsymbols, vol. iii. (1875), and Zahn's Gesch. des neutest. Kanons, i. pp. 39 f., 44 f. At the opening of the fifth century, monasticism in the maritime districts of Southern Gaul was still in close touch with Eastern monasticism, which is the last clear proof of a vital connection between that seaboard and the East. Even in the third century, however, Greek must have been the language of educated people in Southern Gaul far more than Latin. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> For Christians in the valley of the Rhone, see Irenaeus (I. xiii. 7), who speaks of the vicious activity displayed by adherents of the gnostic Marcion :   ' !   ' ps  ys (" In our own districts of the Rhone they have deluded many women ").</div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[261]] evidence as regards Marseilles, however, is only inferential<sup>1</sup> (since the inscription which vouches for local Christianity cannot he assigned with absolute certainty to the second century), Vienne and Lyons are attested by the letter sent from the local Christians to the churches of Asia and Phrygia apropos of the persecution in 177 A. D. (Eus., H. E., v. 1 f.), while Lyons<sup>2</sup> is visible during the last two decades of the second century through the works of Irenaeus. <sup>3</sup> From the former document we see that Lyons had a bishopric by 177 A.D. Vienne was not far from Lyons, although it was in a different province (Narbonensis), but the relationship disclosed by the epistle as subsisting between the two churches is obscure, and we may question, with Duchesne (Faster episcopaux de l'ancienne Gaule, vol. i., 1894), whether Vienne had a bishop of its own at that date. This is not the place, however, to go into such a problem (see above, vol. i. pp. 453 f.). Suffice it to say that it had a Christian community. I cannot accept the opinion that Vienne was quite untouched by the persecution (Neumann, <span style="font-style: italic;">Der romische Staat and die allgem. Kirche</span>, i., 1890, p. 29, note). <br> </p> <p>All that can be ascertained with regard to the church-history of Lyons down to the days of Constantine has been carefully put together by Hirschfeld ( Zur Geschichte des Christ. in Lugdunum vor Konstantin" in the Sitzungsberichte d. K. Preuss. Akad d. Wiss., 1895, pp. 381 f.). <sup>4</sup> I single out the following points. <br> </p> <p>1. The church must have been predominantly Greek in the days of Irenaeus. This follows from the Greek language of the</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The church of Lyons could not have been Greek at all, unless Greek Christianity had existed at the estuary of the Rhone. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> On the peculiar political position of Lyons in Gaul, see Mommsen's Rom. Geschichte, v. pp. 79 f. (Eng. trans., i. p. 87 f.). The percentage of inhabitants who spoke Greek in Lyons cannot have been large, as "unlike any other in Northern Gaul, and unlike the large majority of the Southern, it was founded from Italy, and was a Roman city, not only as regards its rights but in origin and character." The local church, nevertheless, was still predominantly Greek circa 190 A. D. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> We should have a much earlier witness, if the reading raAAfav were correct in 2 Tim. iv. 10 (where Crescens, Paul's helper, goes sir r.), but probably raAarlav is the true reading (cp. above, p. 94). Renan allows himself to imagine that. Paul visited a seaport of Gaul on his way to Spain (Antichrist., Germ. ed., p. 85). <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Cp. also Montet, <i>La Llgende d'Irinle et l'introd. du Christianisme d Lyon </i>(1880). </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[262]] letter and of the workss of Irenaeus, as well as from the names of those who perished in the persecution. Still, as these names indicate, a Latin element was not awanting either. We look in vain for any Celtic names. <sup>1</sup> <br> </p> <p>2. The church cannot have been large ; for, although the persecution was extremely severe, and although it affected the whole church, the number of the victims did not amount to more than forty-nine. Hirschfeld, who (op. cit., pp. 385 f.) has made an accurate study of the list of their names, so far as these have been handed down, throws out the conjecture, which is not unfounded, that the number was even smaller, inasmuch as in a number of cases the public name and the cognomen are probably separated, and thus individuals have been doubled . <sup>2</sup> The paucity of the church members follows also from the fact that a list of the surviving adherents of the faith was in existence even as late as Eusebius (though he has not reproduced it). At this point wc must also recollect the general evidence as to the beginnings of Christianity in Gaul, which we possess, e.g., in Sulpicius Severus, Chron., ii. 32: " Sub Aurelio deinde, Antonini filio, persecutio quinta agitata; ac tune primum inter Gallias martyria visa, serius trans Alpes dei religion suscepta" (" Then undcr Aurelius the son of Antoninus, the fifth persecution broke out. Then at last martyrdoms were seen in Gaul, the divine religion having been late of being accepted across the Alps ").<sup>3</sup> In the <i>Passio Saturnini</i> (of</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Robinson's attempt (Texts and Studies, I. 2. pp. 97 f.) to prove, from the Biblical quotations in the letter, that worship was already conducted in Latin throughout Gaul, is abortive. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The names are bishop Pothinus, Vettius Epagathus [probably a Roman citizen ; Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc., i. 31, says that Lercadius, a senator of Bourges, was a descendant of his], Macarius, Alcibiades, Silvius, Primus [or Silvius Primus], Ulpius, Vitalis for Ulpius Vitalis], Cominius, October [or Comin. Oct.], Philumenus, Geminus, Julia, Albina [or Julia Albina], Grata [Rogata?], Aemilia, Potamia [or m. Pot.], Rodana, Biblis, Quartia, Pontica, Materna, Helpis quae et Ammas, Sanctus diaconus (from Vienne), Attalus [a Roman citizen], Alexander, Ponticus, Blandina, Aristaeus, Cornelius, Zosimus [or Corn. Zosimus], Titus, Julius, Zoticus [or Tit. Jul. Zot.], Apollonius, Geminianus, Julia, Auxentia [v.1. Ausonia, perhaps=Jul. Aus.], Aemilia, Jamnica [or Aemilia Jam], Pompeia, Domna [or Pomp. D.], Mamilia, Justa [or Mam. Justa], Trophima, Antonia. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Cp. also Chron., II. 33 (of Constantine's reign) : " Hoc temporum tractu mirum est quantum invaluerit religio Christiana." </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[263]] Toulouse) we also read-,, . . . . after the sound of the gospel stole out gradually and by degrees into all the earth, and the preaching of the apostles shone throughout our country with but a slow progress, since only a few churches in some of the states, and these thinly filled with Christians, stood up together for the faith" (" Postquam sensim et gradatim in omnem terram evangeliorum sonus exivit tardoque progressu in regionibus nostris apostolorum praedicatio coruscavit, cum rarae in aliquibus civitatibus ecclesiae paucorum Christianorum devotione consurgerent "). We must reject, as totally untrustworthy, the statement made by Gregory of Tours (Hilt. Franc., i. 29: " Irenaeus . . . in modici temporis spatio praedicatione sua maxime in integrum civitatem reddidit Christianam "), to the effect that " in a short space of time Irenaeus made the whole city Christian again by his preaching." <br> </p> <p>3. Among several other unreliable allusions to Christians in Lyons during the third century, the epitaph <sup>1</sup> of a " libellicus " falls to be noted (i.e., of an official in charge of the " libelli " during the reign of Decius ? Hirschfeld, p. 397), as well as a certain bishop Helius of Lyons " tempore paganorum " (Gregory of Tours, Gloria Con fens. 61). It is certain that during the age of Cyprian (Ep. lxviii. 1) Faustinus was bishop of Lyons, and that the synod of Arles (314 A.D.) was attended by a bishop from Lyons called Voccius (Vocius ?), with his deacon Petulinus. <br> </p> <p>Irenaeus relates that he had to preach in Celtic, <sup>2</sup> that there were churches   (I. x. 2), and that there were Christians among the Celts, who possessed the orthodox faith " without ink or paper." <sup>3</sup> The statement that his emissaries reached Valentia and Vesontio is perhaps trustworthy (see Hirschfeld, pp. 393 f.), </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Cp. in general Le Blant, <i>Inscriptions chretiennes de la Gaule (1856-65).</i> <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Contr. Haer., pref: P ;s '    s  v v   x    . <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> III. iv. 1.: " Cui ordination assentiunt multae gentes barbarorum [primarily Celts and Germans] eorum qui in Christum credunt, sive charta vel atramento scriptam habentes per spiritum in cordibus suis salutem et veterem traditionem diligenter custodientes," etc. (" In agreement with which are many barbarian nations, who believe in Christ, having salvation wrttten by the Spirit in their hearts, and not with ink or pen, who preserve, however, the ancient tradition with care"). Small store is to be set by the passage in Tertullian's adv. jud. vii. ("Galliarum diversae nationes Christo subditae " = " different nations of Gaul, [[264b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> subjugated to Christ "). More weight attaches to Hippolytus, Philos., x. 34. From the passages in Irenaeus one gets the impression that he must have spoken more Celtic than Greek.</span> </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[264]] but we must certainly form a modest estimate of the results of the Celtic mission during the third century. The statements of the Historia Francorum (ix. 3) as to the Western district, where the origins of Christianity are not earlier than the fourth century, hold true of many other parts of the country. But it is otherwise with the larger towns. <sup>1</sup> These, however, owing to the peculiar constitution of Gaul, were not numerous, and only developed by degrees. <sup>2</sup> As against Duchesne, I am unable to understand Eus., H.E., v. 23 (cp. above, vol. i. pp. 460 f.), except as meaning that when the Paschal controversy was raging, about the year 190, there were several bishoprics in Gaul ( p  ,   ,  parishes in Gaul superintended by Irenaeus," cp. v. 24. 11), and that their occupants held a synod at that period under the presidency of Irenaeus. For these bishops we must look in the first instance to provincia Narbonensis, and the sixty-eighth epistle of Cyprian proves that about the year 255 A.D., at least, there was a bishopric at Arles. <sup>3</sup> Rightly read, this epistle further proves that there was an episcopal synod held not only in the province of Narbonensis but also in that of Lyons, while circa 190 A.D. they stil seem to have formed a single synod. Hence it follows that several Gallic bishoprics, whose origin Duchesne would relegate to the second half of the third century, arose as early as the first half of that century, in fact even by the end of the second century. <i>A priori,</i> it is probable that at one time Lyons had the sole episcopal see in the provincia</p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> I pass by the legends-e.g., that of seven bishops being sent from Rome to Gaul during the days of Pope Xystus II., and their founding of the churches of Tours, Arles, Narbonne, Toulouse, Paris, Clermont, and Limoges. </p> <p><sup>2</sup> The poem "Laudes Domini" (cp. my Chronologie, ii. pp. 449 f.) was written by a Gallic Christian orator of Autun, during the reign of Constantine. In Antun also bishop Reticius resided, who wrote against Novatian and composed a commentary on the Song of Solomon (ibid., p. 433). Hence Latin Christian literature in Gaul must have begun about 300 A.D. The conflict with Novatianism (see below) shows that the Gallic church stood in the general current of ecclesiastical movements. </p> <p><sup>3</sup> Bishop Marcianus of Arles was inclined to Novatianism, and this-inclination had to be stamped out in Gaul generally. </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[265]] Lugdunensis and Belgica, although this cannot have lasted for very long. It is utterly improbable, however, that Lyons was always the bishopric for the provincia Narbonensis. <br> </p> <p>Special evidence for the Gallic bishoprics is first furnished by the lists of the synods of Rome (313) and Arles (314), as well as by one or two martyrdoms. The following are indubitable :--<br> </p> <p>In Narbonensis :-<br> </p> <ul> <li>Vienne (cp. the epistle ; Mart. ; Arles, bishop Verus and the exorcist Bedas). <br> </li> <li>Arles (Martian, the bishop in the days of Cyprian, was an adherent of Novatian ; bishop Marinus attended the synod of Rome in 313, cp. Eus., H.E., x. 5. 19; at the synod of Arles in 314 there were forty-three churches represented, from most of the western provinces ; besides Martinus, the presbyter Salamus, and the deacons Nicasius, Afer, Ursinus, and Petrus are mentioned at the synod of 314). <br> </li> <li>Marseilles (Arles, bishop Orosius and Nazarius the reader). <br> </li> <li>Vaison (Arles, bishop Daphnus and Victor the exorcist). <br> </li> <li>Nizza [Portus Nicaenus] (Arles, the deacon Innocentius and Agapius the exorcist). <br> </li> <li>Orange (Arles, the presbyter Faustinus). <br> </li> <li>Apta [Julia] (Arles, the presbyter Romanus and the exorcist Victor). <br> </li> <li>Toulouse (Mart., also trustworthy inferences from later periods).&nbsp;<br> </li> </ul> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">In </span></span></span></span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">Lugdun</span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">ensis :-<br> </span></span></p> <ul> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><li>Lyons (cp. the epistle, Iren., Faustinus, who was bishop in the days of Cyprian ; Arles, bishop Voccius and Petulinus the exorcist). <br> </li> <li>Autun (Flavia Aeduorum ; Eus., H.E., x. 5. 19; bishop Reticius at Rome, 313, also at Arles with Amandus the presbyter). <br> </li> <li>Rouen (Arles, bishop Avitianus [Ausonius, Avidanus ? ] with Nicetius the deacon). <br> </li> <li>Die (council of Nicaea, 325, bishop Nicasius). <br> </li> <li>Paris (Mart., also trustworthy inferences from a later age). <br> </li> <li>Sens (Mart., also trustworthy inferences from a later age).<br> </li> </span> </ul> <p> In Aquitania :-<br> </p> <ul> <li>Bordeaux (Arles, bishop Orientalis and Flavius the deacon). [[266]] </li> <li>Eauze (Arles, bishop Mamertinus and Leontius the deacon). </li> <li>Mende (Arles, Genialis the deacon). </li> <li>Bourges (Arles, bishop Mamertinus and Leontius the deacon). </li> </ul> <p>In Belgica :-<br> </p> <ul> <li>Treves (Arles, bishop Agroetius and Felix the exorcist). </li> <li>Rheims (Arles, bishop Imbetausius [Ambitausus? a Celt at any rate] and Primigenius the deacon). </li> </ul> <p>The investigations of Duchesne render it likely that there were Christians, but scarcely bishoprics in the majority of cases,<sup>1</sup> during the pre-Constantine period at Angers, Auxerre, Beauvais, Chalons, Chartres, Clermont, Digne, Embrun, Grenoble, Langres, Limoges, Metz,<sup>2</sup> Nantes (martyrs), Narbonne, Noyon, Orleans, Senlis, Soissons, Toul, Troyes, Verdun, and Viviers. Previous to Constans, Tours had no church (Greg., Hist. Franc., x. 31 ; the church was restored by the rebuilding of a senator's house) .<sup>3</sup></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> At the same time, if even a small town like Die had a bishop in 325 (who was the deacon Nicasius, at Arles 314?] a personal friend of Constantine-for this is the only natural explanation of the fact that he was the sole bishop from Gaul at the Nicene council), then we must assume that the episcopate was much more widely spread throughout Gaul than we are able to prove in detail. By the time of Hilary of Poitiers (359 A.D.) the episcopal organization of the country had made great strides, but there is certainly plenty of time between 312 and 359 for the addition of many bishoprics (according to Athanasius, Apol. c. Arian. 50, the orthodox resolutions of Sardica were approved by thirty-four Gallic bishops ; he gives their names, but not, unfortunately, their dioceses). Important towns may have had Christian communities, without any bishops, for a long while, but one can scarcely appeal with much confidence in favour of this conjecture to the declaration of bishop Proculus of Marseilles before the synod of Turin (in 401 A. D.). In order to justify his claim to metropolitan rights over Narb. II., he speaks of "easdem ecclesias vel suas parochias fuisse vel episcopos a se in iisdem eccelsiis ordinatos." We do not know where these parishes (" parochiae ") are to be sought ; they may have been small towns in the immediate vicinity of Marseilles. This holds good whether these Acts are genuine or, as is very likely, unauthentic. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Wolfram (in the <i>Jahrb. d. Gesellsch. f. Lothr. Geschichte and Alterlumskunde, </i>xiv., 1902, pp. 348 f.) tries to show that a columnar structure in the local amphitheatre goes back to circa 300 A.D. and represents a Christian church. The latter is likely enough, but it is impossible to be sure that the structure dates from circa 300 A.D. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> When Martin became bishop of Tours, there were martyrs' graves at a spot near the city (Sulpicius Severus, Vit. Mart. ii.), but he did not believe they were [[267b]] genuine and forbade the people to worship there. Probably it was an old pagan sacred shrine, so that it is precarious to infer the existence of Christians at Tours or in the neighbourhood prior to Constantine. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[267]] The entire diocese was still almost wholly pagan about 375 A.D. ; cp. Sulpic. Severus, Vita Martini, 13 ( Ante Martinum pauci admodum, immo paene nulli in illis regionibus Christi nomen receperant : quod adeo virtutibus illius exemploque convaluit, ut iam ibi nullus locus sit, qui non aut ecclesiis frequentissimis aut monasteriis sit repletus. nam ubi fana destruxerat, statim ibi aut ecclesias aut monasteria construebat " =Before Martin, few, indeed hardly any, had received the name of Christ in these regions. But his virtues and example gave such an impetus to Christianity that there is no district now which is not filled with numerous churches or monasteries. For where he destroyed the shrines, he built churches and monasteries at once), <sup>1</sup> Were there martyrs at Amiens ? or at Agen (Agannum)?<sup>2<br> </sup>&nbsp;<br> Eusebius declares that Constantinus Chlorus did not destroy the church buildings in Gaul (H.E., viii. 13. 13), so that there must have been buildings of this kind. Lactantius, however (de Mort. xv.), relates that he "allowed the churches, i.e., mere walls which could be restored, to be demolished" (" Conventicula, i.e., parietes, qui restitui poterant, dirui passus est"). His court in Gaul consisted partly of Christians (Eus., Vit. Const., i. 16-17).<sup>3<br> </sup>&nbsp;<br> By the opening of the fourth century the church must have come to play a role of its own in the towns of Southern Gaul. This is suggested by one consideration of a psychological nature. Would Constantine, it maybe asked, have declared himself in favour of the church, if he had had always to associate with an infinitesimally small Christendom during the years which he<br> </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>1</sup> Martin of Tours, the bishop of war and peace, had the same weight in middle Gaul that Gregory Thaumaturgus, the astute philosophic bishop, had in N.E. Asia Minor. Over a century separates them, so far did the Christianizing of Gaul linger behind that of Asia Minor. </p> </div> </span> <p><sup>2</sup> The martyrs of the Thebaic legion cannot even yet be left alone ; I agree with Hauck (Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, I.(2) p. 9) that the tradition about them is entirely unauthentic. </p> <p><sup>3</sup> The best proof that Christians were not persecuted by this emperor personally is to be found in the address of the Donatist bishops (at the beginning of the controversy) to his son Constantine: " Pater [tuus] inter ceteros imperatores persecutionem non exercuit et ab hoc facinore immunis est Gallia" (Opt., i. 22). </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[268]] spent in Gaul<sup>1</sup> immediately previous to his great change of front ? I doubt it. The Oriental traces of the church's early size are insufficient. But, in any case, one must not argue directly from its importance to its size, <sup>2</sup> nor must one forget the necessity of carefully distinguishing between the various towns (occasionally in process of transition from military encampments to actual towns<sup>3</sup>) and districts, especially between those of the north and of the south. Certainly in Belgica the church was still in a very humble way about 300 A.D., as is plain from its most important town, Treves, a Roman colony, <sup>4</sup> whose bishopric (first occupied by Eucharius and Valerius) <sup>5</sup> was not founded till the second half of the third century. "Even by the opening of the fourth century, the number of members in this church was small. One little building sufficed for their worship down to 336 A.D., nor were steps taken towards the erection of a new edifice till Athanasius stayed there, during his banishment" (Athan., Apol. ad Constant. 15; cp. Hauck's KG. Deutschlands (2) i. p. 28). Treves does not seem to have got its second church till the beginning of the fifth century (so Hauck, after Sulp. Sev., Vita Mart. 16, 18, Dial. iii. 11). During all the fourth century the town remained substantially pagan, and what was true of Treves was practically true of Gaul itself, apart from the south-west and the region of the Rhone, to judge from the evidence furnished by the fourth and fifth centuries. A Christianizing movement upon a larger scale started during the second half of the fourth century (cp. the efforts of Martin of Tours), but it did not produce any farreaching effects, nor was it till after the middle of the fifth</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> In earlier days a typically Gallic Christianity, such as that of Northern Africa, can hardly be said to have existed. Irenaeus is a Christian of Asia Minor, not of Latin Gaul, nor did the Gallic church, as a Latin church, produce any prominent figure till Hilary of Poitiers. Gallic rhetoric then made its way into the church, which it stamped with an impress of its own. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> In spite of Arnobius (1. I6), who speaks of "innumerable Christians " in Gaul. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> On the cantonal divisions of Gaul, see Mommsen, op. cit., pp. 81 f. (Eng. trans., i. pp. 9o f.). <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Since Diocletian it was the capital of the entire West, and the imperial city. But we know nothing about its history prior to Diocletian. <br> <br> <sup>5</sup> These are the only names known to us before Agroetius, for that of Maternus is probably to be deleted. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[269]] century that Gaul, i.e., its Roman population, became substantially Christian. On the contrary, about 400 A.D. the world of Gallic culture was still predominantly pagan. Then it was that the legislation against paganism began to take effect (Honorius and Theodosius). All our witnesses for the period place this beyond dispute. <sup>1</sup> The religion of the. country no longer presented any serious obstacle to the church ; but the Celtic element was overcome by Latin Christianity rather than by the German immigration (Mommsen, p.-9 2 ; Eng. trans., i. p. 103 f.). <br> </p> <p>The church-history of Germany <sup>2</sup> begins with the well-known statement of Irenaeus, i. 10 (@ 1   1   re "  ) : "Nor were the faith and .tradition of the churches planted in Germany [note the plural in the Greek] at all different." Irenaeus obviously refers to stable, i.e., episcopal churches ; for only such churches could hand down any traditions. Hence it is certain that in the largest Roman towns of Germany (of which Cologne and Mainz at once occur to our minds) there were Christian communities and bishops as early as the year 185 A.D. Unluckily, all other evidence fails us at this point, <sup>3</sup> nor are the episcopal lists of any value in this connection. All we know is that the bishop of Cologne was at Rome (in 313 A.D. ; cp. Eus., x. 5. 19), while at Arles (314 A.D.) his deacon- Macrinus was with him . <sup>4</sup> Yet how small must the church have been, if even by 355 A.D. it had no more than one "little conventicle"<sup>5</sup> ("conventiculum," Amm. Marc., xv. </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> For the overthrow of paganism in Gaul, see Schultze, op. cit., ii. pp. t01 f. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Kraus, Die christlichen Inschriften der Rheinlande (189o, f.). Philo had already mentioned the Rhine ; the country between it and the Euphrates embraced " the most important part of the world, which could, strictly speaking, be called the world" (Leg. ad Caium, ii.). <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Sozomen (ii. 6), referring to the age of Constantine, declares that $ p v x '  . <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Maternus, bishop of Cologne, must have been Constantine's special confidential adviser, for it was he who, together with the bishops of Rome, Arles, and Autun, was entrusted with the preliminary investigation into the Donatist dispute. But the bishop's personal importance does not determine the size of his episcopate. From Theod. Cod., xvi. 8. 3, we find that there was a synagogue also at Cologne in the reign of Constantine. <br> <br> <sup>5</sup> "Silvanum extractum aedicula quo exanimatus confugerat, ad conventiculum ritus Christiani tendentem densis gladiorum ictibus trucidarunt." </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[270]] 5. 31). <sup>1</sup> This of itself is enough to show that Christianity was an extremely weak plant all over Germany. <br> </p> <p>In Lower Germany, Tongern may still be claimed as a preConstantine bishopric ; at any rate, not long after Constantine, the town had a bishop, Servatius, who is known from his connection with the Arian controversy (synod of Rimini, 359). The fact of the Cologne bishop Maternus appearing as the first bishop of Tongern also may be taken to mean that the bishopric was founded under Maternus himself. In Upper Germany there is no evidence of any bishopric or church before Constantine ; but as it lay much nearer to Lyons than to Lower Germany, it is not necessary perhaps to restrict the range of Irenaeus's statement to the latter district (cp. the instance of Vesontio, already noted). <sup>2</sup> The earliest evidence for a church at Mainz occurs in 368 A.D., when the greater part of the</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Even the notices of martyrs in Germany (at Cologne and Treves) are quite uncertain, if not absolutely untrustworthy. Hauck (op. Cit., p. 25) considers that only the account of Clematius at Cologne is even " fairly authentic." It describes (in an inscription of the fourth or fifth century) the spot "where the holy virgins shed their blood for the name of Christ " (" ubi sanctae virgines pro nomine Christi sanguinem suum fuderunt "). It also mentions an old dilapidated basilica, or memorial chapel, perhaps built in honour of these virgins during the reign of Constantine, or shortly before then, which Clematius had entirely rebuilt. Schafer (Pfarrkirche u. Stift im deutschen Mittelalter, 1903, pp. 137 f.) writes as follows : "It seems to me quite inadmissible for Hauck to argue from a remark of Ammianus the pagan about a `conventiculum ritus Christiani' that only one conventicle of Christians then existed at Cologne. It is certain that by 355 A.D. there were the churches of (t) St Gereon, (2) St Ursula, and the cathedral of the pre-Constantine age (bishop Maternus and the   s s 1 of Irenaeus). How dangerous Hauck's interpretation of Ammianus may prove, is plain from Harnack's pages, which deduce important inferences from this passage as to the scanty diffusion of Christianity in the Rhine-land." On this I remark (1) that while St Gereon goes back to the Roman period, there is no evidence to prove that the church existed previous to Constantine ; (2) St Ursula was entirely rebuilt by Clematius in the fourth or fifth century-if-the church was at that time entirely dilapidated, though it was a hundred years old, the older building probably was no more than a small martyr-chapel of light construction ; (3) " the cathedral of the pre-Constantine age " belongs to the realm of Schafer's imagination-in place of it we must supply the "conventiculum " which Ammianus mentions.-The small number of Christian inscriptions (Hauck, pp. 27, 34) also proves that the church at Cologne was small ; Kraus, who enumerates 181 for Treves, gives only 17 for Cologne.<br> &nbsp;<br> <sup>2</sup> Tertullian mentions Christians among the Germans (adv. Jud. vii.), but the rhetorical nature of the passage renders it unreliable as a piece of evidence. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[271]] inhabitants were already Christians (Amm. Marc., xxvii. 10). Jerome (Ep. cxxiii. 16) tells how (" multa milia hominum ") " many thousands of people" were slain in the church, when the city was sacked by the Germans. <sup>1</sup> This occurred, however, at the opening of the fifth century. <br> </p> <p>By the middle of the fourth century the ecclesiastical organization of the German provinces was complete. Hilarius Pict. addresses his treatise (composed in the winter of 358/359) to " dilectissimis et beatissimis fratribus ct coepiscopis provinciae Germaniae primae [the words "in qua est prima Moguntia" are a later addition] et Germaniae secundae et primae Belgicae et Belgicae -secundae, et Lugdunensis primae et Lugdunensis secundae et provinciae Aquitaniae et provinciae Novempopulanae et ex Narbonensi plebibus et clericis Tolesanis et provinciarum Britanniarum episcopis."<br> </p> <p>As for Rhaetia, <sup>2</sup> we can trace Christian churches at Augsburg and Regensburg before Constantine ; for the personality of</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The exaggeration is obvious. There was not a single church throughout the entire West at that period, in which several thousands could be accommodated."The importance of Mainz," says Hauck (p. 34), "renders it likely that Christianity soon entered the town, but no records of this are extant, and it is not at all surprising that no bishop from Mainz attended the synod of Arles, or that none ever appeared during the Arian controversy. Possibly the tardy origin of the Mainz episcopate was connected with the fact that the military settlement of Mainz only slowly grew into a town." Jung (Hist. Zeitschr., N. F., xxxi., 1891, p. 217) asserts that "the later Civitas Moguntiacum appears even in the second century as a group of villages In 276 A.D. we still find the Roman citizens of Moguntiacum merely organized as a corporation. Upon the other hand, Mainz, like Cologne, and Strassburg, like Bonn, appear as the most important towns on the Rhine during the fourth and fifth centuries." " It is also surprising," Hauck continues, " that no absolutely certain primitive inscription is to be found among the Christian inscriptions of Mainz ; Kraus, n. 33, is the only one probable ; cp. also his note on n. 32." We have no evidence that there were Christians at Strassburg either, before 325 A.D. We should have to point for evidence to the statement (of Arnobius, i. 16) that there were about 300 Christians among the Alemanni. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Hauck (op. cit., pp. 346 f.) writes : "The scanty and scattered tribes who inhabited the Alpine valleys and upper plains of Rhaetia offered little resistance to the superior force of Rome (cp. ample proof of this in the large number of Roman place-names : 100 Roman to every 10 or 15 Rhaetian, according to Steub in Allg. Zeitung, 1885, suppl. ii. No. 355). They adopted the Roman language, though of course they never acquired much of the Roman civilization." Cp. also Franciss, Bayern zur Romerzeit, 19o5, and Rom. Quartalschr., xix. (1905), pp: 88 f. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[272]] St Afra the martyr is beyond doubt,<sup>1</sup> and graves of martyrs have been discovered at Regensburg (cp. Hauck, p. 347). Beyond this, however, nothing can be proved .<sup>2</sup> </p> <p><span style="font-weight: bold;"><a name="17"></a> 17. BRITAIN</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">3<br> </sup>&nbsp;<br> At first Christianity could not gain any firm footing <sup>4</sup> in this far-off <sup>5</sup> province, which was really a military province and only veneered with Roman civilization. <sup>6</sup> Tertullian's notice (in adv. Jud. vii.) is of no consequence; the legend of a correspondence between the Roman bishop Eleutherus and an alleged king of Britain called Lucius (Lib. Pontiff, also Bede's Hist. Angl., i. 4) I have proved elsewhere to be irrelevant (cp. above, pp. 143 f.); while Sozomen's statement (II. 6) that Christianity had been received even by the Celts dwelling on the remotest coasts during the reign of Constantine amounts to very little. Still, it is quite possible that Christians had arrived in Britain and laboured there by the end of the second century. <sup>7</sup> We may assume that the accounts given by Gildas</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The Martyr-Acts are of no use, but the fact of the martyrdom is well attested. The bishopric (only attested at a late date) shows an early and evident connection with Aquileia. Hence it is hardly older than the fourth century. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Even the third-century origin of the ancient bishopric of Sabiona (Seben, near Klausen) cannot be established. In the great enumeration of the ecclesiastical provinces given by Athanasius (Apol. c. Arian. i.), Germany is never mentioned, although even Britain is included. This is the less accidental, as Germany is also passed over in the similar enumeration of Vita Const., iii. I9, where both Gaul and Britain are named. So still in Optatus, de Schism., ii. I and iii. 9. For Origen, see above, pp. 12 f. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Cp. Map IX., also the article on "The Celtic Church," by Zimmer, in the Protest. Real-Encykl (3). (s&gt;, x. pp. 204 f. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Early Christian inscriptions are totally lacking (cp. Hubner's work). <br> <br> <sup>5</sup> Cp. Origen, vol. xi. p. 140 (Lomm.) : "in Britannia . . . . in India." <br> <br> <sup>6</sup> "The language and customs that penetrated thither from Italy remained an exotic growth in the island even more than upon the continent" (Mommsen, op. cit., v. p. 176; Eng. trans., i. 293). <br> <br> <sup>7</sup> Origen (Hom. iv. I in Ezech., xiv. P. 59, Lomm.) seems to know of British Christians : " Quando terra Britanniae ante adventum Christi in unius dei consensit religionem? quando terra Maurorum? quando totus semel orbis? nunc vero propter ecclesias, quae mundi limites tenent, universa terra cum laetitia clamat ad dominum Israel" (" When, prior to the advent of Christ, did the land of Britain agree to the worship of the one God? or the land of the Mauri? or the whole [[273b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> round earth ? But now, thanks to the churches which occupy the earth's bounds, the whole earth shouts with joy to the Lord of Israel "). </span></div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[273]] and Bede of the martyr Alban in Verulam (St Albans) and two others in Legion um Urbs (Caerleon)-during the Diocletian persecution-rest on some reliable tradition. <sup>1</sup> But the British church emerges into daylight first of all through the fact of three bishops, <sup>2</sup> from London (Restitutus), York (Eborius ; Constantius Chlorus died here), and Lincoln (though the name of this locality is uncertain : Colonia Lindiensium ; the bishop is called Adelphius, and he was accompanied by the presbyter Sacerdos [?] and the deacon Arminius), having attended the synod of Arles in 314 A.D. Two of these bishops bear classical names, but the third is indigenous (Eborius). If three bishops from Britain were present at Arles, we are justified in concluding that the number of British bishoprics was more numerous still. Only, we have no information on this point. All we do know is that Britain was Christianized with remarkable rapidity in the course of the fourth century,<sup>3</sup> when</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> For other information about this legend of Albanus, cp. W. Meyer on "The Legend of St Albanus" in Abhandl. der Gott. Gesell. d. Wiss., N.F., viii. 1 (19o4). The utter silence of our sources upon the church-history of Britain during the third century is not inexplicable. " Hardly anything is told us about the fortunes of the island, from the third century" (Mommsen, p. 172; Eng. trans., i. 189).The Martyrdom of Alban cannot be pronounced quite authentic, as the oldest sources declare that no martyrdoms occurred during the reign of Constantius Chlorus. Still, this statement does not preclude -the occurrence of one or two. Even previous to Gildas (c. 430 A.D. ), relics of the saint can be shown to have existed. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> In accordance with the division of the country into shires, the Latin towns of Britain rose just as gradually as those of Gaul. York was the headquarters of the army, while Camalodunum may have formed the civil capital. It is noticeable that traces of a bishop are to be found at the former town and at the trading centre of London at a comparatively early period. Also, the three other places where equally early traces of Christians are to be found are stations of the Roman army. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> It is perhaps worthy of notice that, when the synod of Rimini met (359 A.D.), with an attendance of over four hundred bishops, three British bishops alone accepted the imperial provision for the upkeep of members (Sulpic. Sever., Chron., ii. 41 : "Inopia proprii publico usi sunt "= they availed themselves of the public fund, owing to lack of private means-which appeared unbecoming, " indecens," to their fellow bishops). This implies that their churches were still poor. There were other British bishops at Rimini, however. We find, from the law of Gratian (5th July 379 A.D. ; Theod. Cod., xiii. I. I r), that the bishops of Italy and Illyria were richer than those of Britain, Gaul, and Spain. <br> </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[274]]&nbsp; the native population became practically Christian, while the tribes of Germany continued almost entirely pagan. Gildas (Chron. Min., III. 32) states definitely that Arianism inflicted grievous wounds upon the church in Britain. It must have stood, therefore, in the stream of the general ecclesiastical movement<sup>1</sup> Zimmer has proved beyond doubt that Christianity reached Ireland from Britain as early as the fourth century, and it may have been there even earlier. </p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;; font-weight: bold;"><a name="18"></a> </span><span style="font-weight: bold;">18. AFRICA, NUMIDIA, MAURETANIA, AND TRIPOLITANA</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">2</sup><br> <br> The strip of coast lying between the sea and the mountainrange upon the southern coast of the western Mediterranean belongs to Europe, not to Africa. During the imperial age, the most important province in this region, i.e., Africa proconsularis, was a second Italy. The country, with Carthage its capital,<sup>3</sup></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Nicholson (" Vinisius to Nigra : A fourth-century Christian Letter written in Southern Britain and discovered at Bath," London, 1904) has happily deciphered the puzzling sheet of lead unearthed at Bath, containing a letter from Vinisius to Nigra. The letter is said to belong to the fourth century, and it mentions Arius 1 There is no foundation for the idea that it was written during his lifetime, but it proves that Arianism threatened the British church at an early period. The letter is also printed in Rev. d'hist. eccles., vi. (1905), pp. 691 f. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Maps X. and XI.-C.I-L., viii. 1881 f. (with supplement). Older works by Morcelli and Munter. Cp. Tissot (Geographie comparee de la Prov. Rom. d'Afrique, 2 vols., 1884, 1888), Mommsen (v. pp. 62o f.; Eng. Trans., ii. PP. 320 f.), Toulotte (Geogr. de l'Afrique chretienne, 4 vols., 1891 f ), Babelon, Cagnat, and Reinach (Atlas archeol de la Tunisie, 1892 f.), Schwarze (Unt. uber die aussere Entw. d. afric. Kirche, 1892), Toutain (Les cites romaines de la Tunisie, 1895), Monceaux (Hist. Litt. de l'Afrique chret., 2 vols., 1901-2, and "Enquete sur l'epig. chret. d'Afrique" in Rev, Rachel. (1903(2)) PP. 59 f., 240 f., (1904([)), 354 f), Guignebert (Tertullien, etude sur ses sentim. d l'egard de ''empire et de la societe civile, 1901), Audollent (Carthage Romaine, 146 B.C.-698 A.D., 1901), Leclercq (L'Afrique chret., 2 vols.; 1904). In no other province of the empire at that time have archaeological investigations been so thoroughly and successfully prosecuted as by the French explorers in Africa. For further literature on the subject, cp. Schwarze's article on " The Church of North Africa " in Protest. RealEncykl.(3), xiv. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Tert., de Pallio, i.: " Principes semper Africae, viri Carthaginienses, vetustate nobiles, novitate felices" ("ever princes of Africa, men of Carthage, ennobled by antiquity, blessed with recent novelties"); Salvian., de Gubern., vii. 67: "Universarum [Africae] urbium princeps et quasi mater, illa scilicet Romanis arcibus semper aemula armis quondam et fortitudine post splendore ac dignitate [[275b]]&nbsp; <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">Carthaginem dico, et urbi Romano maxime adversariam et in Africano orbe quasi Romam " ("Carthage, the head and as it were the mother of all the African cities, that steady rival of Rome, once in arms and courage, afterwards in brilliance and dignity, the chief foe of the city of Rome, and herself a sort of Rome in the African world"). </span></div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[275]] reached its zenith of prosperity between the end of the second and the close of the third century.<sup>1</sup> <br> </p> <p>During this period, when the Romanizing of the country made its greatest advances, <sup>2</sup> the Christian church attained a growth within this wide and fruitful province which was only<br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The great emperor Septimius Severus was an African ! See further Tert., de Anima, xxx., a passage which refers primarily to Africa : " Certe quidem ipse orbis in promptu est, cultior de die et instructior pristino. omnia iam pervia, omnia nota, omnia negotiosa, solitudines famosas retro fundi amoenissimi obliteraverunt, silvas arva domuerunt, feras pecora fugaverunt, harenae seruntur, sexa panguntur, paludes eliquantur, tantae urbes quantae non casae quondam. iam nec insulae horrent : ubique domus, ubique populus, ubique respublica, ubique vita. summum testimonium frequentiae humanae. onerosi sumus mundo, vix nobis elementa sufficiunt et necessitates artiores et querellae apud omnes, dum iam nos natura non sustinet," etc. (" Surely a glance at the wide world shows that it is daily being more cultivated and better peopled than before. All places are now accessible, well known, open to commerce. Delightful farms have now blotted out every trace of the dreadful wastes ; cultivated fields have overcome woods ; flocks and herds have driven out wild beasts ; sandy spots are sown ; rocks are planted ; bogs are drained. <i>Large cities now occupy land hardly tenanted before by cottages.</i> Islands are no longer dreaded ; houses, people, civil rule, civilization, are everywhere. Thick population meets the eye everywhere. We overcrowd the world. The elements can hardly support us. Our wants increase and our demands are keener, while Nature cannot bear us "). So in de Pallio, ii. (at the close). Salvian., de Gubern., vii. 6o: " Tam divitem quondam Africam fuisse, ut mihi copia negotiationis suae non suos tantum sed etiam mundi thesauros videatur implesse" ("Africa was once so rich that its wealth of trade seems to me to have filled not only its own treasuries but those of the world "). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Many natives even of the better classes still spoke Latin with reluctance in the second century ; cp. Apuleius, Apol. lxviii. (of a young man), " Loquitur numquam nisi punice, et si quid adhuc a matre graecissat ; enim Latine neque vult neque potest" ("He never speaks anything but Punic or a smattering of Greek picked up from his mother ; Latin he neither can nor will attempt "). The language of educated people, with which the superimposed Latin of these North African provinces had to reckon, was Greek. The "suaviludii," or lovers of the play, at Carthage in Tertullian's day (cp. de Corona, vi.), preferred to read Greek rather than Latin, and for their benefit Tertullian wrote his de Spectaculis in Greek (see Zahn's Gesch. des neutest. Kanons, i. P. 49). The Barbary vernacular had been long ago displaced from public usage by the Punic inhabitants. It waned still further under the Roman regime, though it survived amid the changes of foreign rulers. On the Latinizing of Africa by means of the settlement of Italian colonists in the country, see Mommsen's Rom. Gesch., v. p. 649 (Eng. trans., ii. 332 f.), </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[276]] paralleled in Asia Minor.<sup>1</sup> But the church of Carthage, which is the earliest of the great Latin churches, must have been of importance long before it emerges into the light of history. The early writings of Tertullian presuppose a large church in the capital as well as the extension of Christianity throughout Northern Africa.<sup>2</sup> But it is surprising that Tertullian tells us next to nothing of the early history of the Carthaginian </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p>1 Reasons for this rapid growth may be conjectured, but the question is, whether they are really relevant. Monceaux (i. so) and Leclercq (i. P. 42) both hold, and adduce some evidence for their contention, that a monotheism lay submerged below the polytheism of Africa. But was not this also the case then in other provinces, especially during the third century? Leclercq replies, "Undoubtedly. But they [these monotheistic traits] do not appear to have been so strongly marked, nor above all so customary and popular, anywhere as in Africa. The Christian propaganda must have profited by the deep affinities between Christianity and the local religions ; it found a secret ally in the very conscience of its foes." This is possible, but uncertain. It is surprising, indeed, that the incontinent desertion of the shrines of Baal (the African Saturn) coincides with the growth and consolidation of the African church under Cyprian in the middle of the third century ; cp. Toutain, <i>De Saturni dei in Africa romana cultu</i> (1896), pp. 138 f., and the same writer's <i>Les cites romaines de la Tunisie</i>, pp. 228 f. ("It was the people, the lower classes and the poor, who were first converted. The first African bishops were, with very rare exceptions, plebeian. The religion of Christ was welcomed and confessed especially among the classes which remained most loyal to the old Carthaginian religion"). Leclercq further points out that " we find in the epigraphic texts material proof of this affinity between African terminology and Christian. Toutain ascribes to the worshippers of Saturn the dedicatory inscriptions which appear to us rather capable of being taken to favour Christian epigraphy" (e.g., the inscriptions with "dens sanctus aeternus" or " aeternus "-are these all Christian or not?). </p> </div> </span> <p>2 Particular account must be taken of ad Scap. ii. v.: " Tanta hominum multitudo, pars paene maior civitatis cuiusque" ("Such are our numbers, amounting almost to a majority of the citizens in every city"): " Tanta milia hominum, tot viri ac feminae omnis sexus, omnis aetatis, omnis dignitatis" (" So many thousands of people, so many men and women, people of both sexes, of every age, of every rank"): " Quid ipsa Carthago passura est, decimanda a te" (" What will Carthage herself suffer, if you must decimate her?"): " Parce Carthagini, si non tibi, parce provinciae, quae visa intentione tua obnoxia facta est concus sionibus" (" Have mercy on Carthage, if not on yourself; have mercy on the province which, by the disclosure of your purpose, has been rendered liable to acts of extortion "). Similar remarks occur even in his earlier (197 A. D. ) Apology ; cp. chaps. ii. and xxxvii. In de Praescr. xx. he is able to declare that new churches were being founded every day, and (xxix.) that "thousands upon thousands " had been baptized in vain, if the heretics were right. Both passages reflect his estimate of African Christendom, even in his outlook on Christianity as a whole.-Unfortunately, we have not the slightest information upon the relations subsisting between primitive African Christianity and the numerous synagogues of [[277b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> the country. Judaism penetrated the Berber tribes of Tripolis and Morocco. We have disputes with Jews recorded (cp. Tert., adv. Jud i.). Unlike Monceaux and Leclercq (i. pp. 39 f.), I would not lay any stress on the discovery of Jewish and Christian graves side by side in the cemetery of Djebel-Khaui. </span> </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[277]] church,' and as little of the other churches in Africa -- even of their contemporary history. The reason is that Tertullian remained the citizen of a great city, even when he became a Christian. The country was no concern of his. Besides, he lived wholly in the present and the future. <br> </p> <p>We know nothing about the primitive (which was probably the Greek) period of the African church.<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><sup>2</sup></span> We learn, however, that Perpetua conversed in Greek with bishop Optatus and the presbyter Aspasius, while Tertullian wrote in Greek as well as in Latin. The Greek versions of the primitive Acts of the African martyrs may be almost as old as the Acts themselves,<sup>3</sup> and it is with martyrdoms, first of all in the year 180, that the church-history of Northern Africa commences. At that period Namphamo of Madaura and several Christians from </p> </div> </span> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p><sup>1</sup> Salvian (de Gubern., vii. 99), at any rate, is wrong in saying that Carthage was a Christian, an ecclesiastical city, which the apostles had once founded with their own doctrines" (urbs Christiana, urbs ecclesiastica, quam quondam doctrinis suis apostoli instituerant). </p> </div> </span> <p><sup>2</sup> Mauretania really only half belonged to it ; the western half gravitated always in the direction of Spain, to which it was afterwards assigned ; cp. Aug., Ep. xciii. 24: " Mauretania Caesariensis nec Africam se vult dici." </p> <p><sup>3</sup> From its very foundation, a special tie must have bound the African church to that of Rome (Tertull., de Praescr. xxxvi.: " Roma unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est"=Rome, whence we too derive this our authority), but we know no details, and it does not necessarily follow (though it is natural to think so) that Roman Christians brought the gospel to Africa (according to late and worthless legends, Peter twice came to Carthage-from Rome, of course). The original relations between Jerusalem and the " ecclesiae orientales," which Augustine asserts (Ep. xliii. 7, etc. ), are abstractions ; and all conjectures about the originally direct connection between the African churches and the Eastern are equally airy. Naturally, there always was intercourse between them, partly direct, partly via Rome. Montanism, Praxeas the Modalist, and Hermogenes the heretic, all came to Carthage from the East. Tertullian knew Christian writings composed in Asia Minor (besides those of Rome and the great work of Irenaeus), e.g., those of Melito of Sardis, the Acta Pauli, etc. Especially as a Montanist, he was well acquainted with the conditions of the Greek churches ; he knew comparatively unimportant proceedings and features of their life. If ,the first African Christians really spoke Greek for the most part during several decades, we cannot infer that a direct Oriental mission went on in Africa. The African Jews also seem to have spoken more Greek than Latin, and Christianity all over the West found its first foothold among the more or less floating Greek population. </p> </div> <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[278]] Scilium (a town which must have been situated in proconsular Numidia) were all put to death. <sup>1</sup> We have thus evidence for Christians in Numidia as early as for Christians in Carthage. <sup>2</sup> The works of Tertullian prove the existence of Christian churches in four towns of Africa, and only four, viz., Hadrumetum, Thysdrus, Lambaese, and Uthina. All of these were places of importance, Lambaese in Numidia being the chief military depot in Africa .<sup>3</sup> As Hadrumetum and Thysdrus lay in Byzacium (ad Scap. iii.-iv.), the latter province must also</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> From the Vita Cypriani per Pontium (i., cp. xix.) it follows that no cleric was martyred at all in Africa, previous to Cyprian, i.e., to 258 A.D. This is very remarkable. The clergy knew how to live on good terms with the authorities, as is plain from the bitter complaints about the " deer-footed " clergy and their method of evading a threatening persecution by means of bribery (Tert., de Fuga in Persecut. ). Tertullian's treatise ad Martyres shows that up till the date of its composition there had been very few martyrs in Africa. He refers not to early Christian martyrs, but to Lucretia, Regulus, etc. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The names of the martyrs of Scili are Speratus, Nartzalus, Cittinus, Donata, Secunda, and Vestia-plainly all plebeian. In the Acta Perpetuae (Vibia Perpetuae) similar names occur, e.g., Revocatus, Felicitas, Saturninus, Secundulus, Optatus, Aspasius, Tertius, Pomponius, Dinocrates, Saturus, Jucundus, Artaxius, and Rusticus. As we can see, the Greek names are very few, and later on they disappear entirely. So far as regards the composition of the African churches, then, it is of very little moment to collect the large number of names of African Christians given by the writings of Cyprian and the primitive sources. The names of the eighty-seven bishops at the council of Carthage in 256 A.D. are for the most part Latin ; but we get Polycarp, Nicomedes, Theogenes, Eucratius, Eugenius, Adelphius, Demetrius, Jader, Paul, Ahymnus, Irenaeus, Zosimus, Therapius, Peter, and Dioga (=Diogas, Diogenes?). The two bishops called Peter and Paul of course took their names from the apostles (so, possibly, Polycarp, from the famous bishop of Smyrna, but it is unlikely). None of the twelve who bore Greek names - can be certainly said to have been Greek. Some of these names were by this time quite common even in the West among Latins (slaves and the lower classes). Jader and Ahymnus are Berber (Libyan) names (as, e.g., elsewhere, and even at a comparatively early period we get Christians called Baric, Mettun, Namphamo, Namgedde, Gudden [feminine], Miggin, and Sanae). Thus we have no guarantee that there was only one native Greek among the bishops of that age. But there were hardly more than half a dozen. The Greek element was either absent or vanishing. It is very remarkable that not a single Jewish name occurs among them. If the church had had originally a powerful Jewish Christian element, it had certainly been extinguished by about 256 A.D. In fact, it must have disappeared by Tertullian's day. Tertullian never treats of Christians who had been Jews in all his numerous writings. The synagogue and the church must have been sharply divided from each other, even nationally. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Lambaese is meant in ad Scap. iv. ("Nam et nunc a praeside Legionis vexatur hoc nemen"=for even at present our Name is being harried by the governor of Legio). The Spaniards take it to be their Leon, which is impossible. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[279]] have contained Christians by this time. Even in Mauretania they were to be found, for Tertullian (op. cit. iv.) mentions a bloody persecution of the local Christians by the governor of Mauretania. We have his testimony, therefore, to the existence of Christians in Numidia, <sup>1</sup> Byzacium, and Mauretania. <sup>2</sup> Furthermore, Christianity had already reached the Gaetulians and the Southern Mauri (adv. Jud. vii.). We have no information upon the strength of the Punic element in the church about the year 200 or during the course of the third century. Tertullian and Cyprian tell us practically nothing about it, so that we might even suppose it did not exist at all. But the fourth century (cp. especially the writings of Augustine) shows how strong it was ; both bishops and parish priests had to know Punic in those days. We can quite understand how the Punic population (so far as it was not superficially Romanized) inclined less rapidly to Christianity than the Romanized Greco-Latin incomers, and how it remained decidedly retrograde even in the third century, during which period the names of the African bishops are almost entirely Latin. Yet from the very outset the Punic element was never quite absent. Punic names occur, e.g., among the martyrs ; in fact, the first African martyr, Namphamo, was of Punic birth. On the other hand, no Punic version of the Bible, so far as we know, was ever issued-implying that the Christianizing of the Punic population meant at the same time their Romanizing <sup>3</sup> more than ever. It did not prove in the end either thorough or successful. <br> </p> <p>The Latin Bible originated in Africa perhaps at an earlier period than in Rome, and Africa formed the motherland of </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Cp. also the story of Vespronius Candidus in ad Scap. iv. ; he was "legatus Augusti pro praetore" in Numidia (C.I.L., vol. viii. n. 8782). <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The existence of quite a number of bishops in Africa as early as Zoo A.D. is proved by several passages in Tertullian, e.g., that in de Fuga, xi., which speaks of bishops who had fled during the persecution.-In Mauretania, Christianity was naturally more weak than elsewhere. The Martyr-Acts of Typasius Veteranus (Anal. Bolland, ix., 1890, p. 116), which belong to this province, begin: "In temporibus Diocletiani . . . . parva adhuc Christianitatis religio fuerat" (" In the days of Diocletian the Christian religion was still a small affair").<br> &nbsp;<br> <sup>3</sup> On the Punic element in the African church, see Zahn's Gesch. des Neutest. Kanons, i. pp. 40 f. For the benefit of Christians who knew nothing but Punic, the Bible was translated during worship, and there was also preaching in Punic. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[280]] Latin Christian literature.. In. this sense the country possesses an epoch-making significance.</p> <p>The strong military element in the vocabulary of the African church is a feature which deserves close attention. It can be verified as early as Tertullian, who was a soldier's son. But it is far more surprising to find how prominent it is in the religious dialect of Cyprian, which became authoritative afterwards. Was this accidental, we may ask ? Or are we to suppose that relations were established at an early date between Christianity and the military camps in Africa? The very juristic element is not simply to be referred to Tertullian's influence ; for it is natural to suppose that the ecclesiastical dialect which grew up in Africa was the work of immigrant officials and soldiers, in so far as it was not vernacular. But we have no thorough investigations of the problem.<sup>1<br> </sup>&nbsp;<br> Between 211 and 249 (Cyprian) a large increase in Christianity can be shown to have taken place at Carthage and throughout all the African provinces. Then it was that "so many thousands of heretics" ("tot milia haereticorum," Cypr., Epist. lxxiii. 3) were brought over to the church. Even at the synod of Carthage held under Agrippinus (not later than 218-222 A.D.) <sup>2</sup> to discuss the validity of heretical baptism, there were seventy African and Numidian <sup>3</sup> bishops present, <sup>4</sup> while ninety bishops<sup>5</sup> a attended a synod at Lambaese,<sup>6</sup> presided </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Does not even the pagan scoff at Christians which Tertullian records (" Deus Christianus h'oaofrgr The god of Christians lying in an ass's stall) go back to soldiers? <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Leclercq and others put it as early as circa 197 A.D., but the reasons for this date are inadequate (cp. my Chronologie, ii. pp. 286 f. ). <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> I do not enter into the question of the political and ecclesiastical divisions of Africa, for which one must refer to the investigations of Mommsen and Schwarze (Unters. fiber die dussere Entwickelung der afrikanisclien Kirche, 1892). No certain solution can be given. There were synods for the separate provinces (though we do not know when these originated), and a general synod. The position of Carthage is quite plain from Cypr., Ep. xlviii. 3 : " Quoniam latius fusa est nostra provincia, habet etiam Numidiam et Mauretaniam sibi cohaerentes " =Since our province has extended more widely, it has also Numidia and Mauretania within its sweep. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Augustine, de Unico Bapt. c. Peril. xiii. (xxii.) ; cp. Cypr., Ep. lxxi. <br> <br> <sup>5</sup> It is not certain whether they were entirely Numidian. <br> <br> <sup>6</sup> The passage may be read, however, in such a way as to leave the place of meeting an open question. In that case there were deliberations conducted also at Carthage. </div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[281]] over by Cyprian's (Ep. lix. 10) predecessor Donatus (" ante multos fere annos," says Cyprian, i.e., certainly not later than 240 A.D.). Unfortunately, we do not possess any lists of these two synods ; but, when one bears in mind the well-known fact that only a certain proportion of bishops attended synods as a rule, the above numbers enable us to infer that a remarkable expansion of the church had occurred by the middle of the third century, although one must never forget that the organization of the church in Northern Africa evidently required a bishopric even when there were but -a few Christians, i.e., in every township. In Africa the episcopal organization was still more thoroughly worked out than in Asia, Minor or Lower Italy. Of detached presbyters and deacons we do not hear one syllable; even from Cyprian's Ep. lxii. 5 it is not necessary to infer that such functionaries existed.<sup>1<br> </sup>&nbsp;<br> From the writings and correspondence of Cyprian we can discern the size of the Carthaginian church and the graduated order of the local clergy, <sup>2</sup> as well as the diffusion of Christianity throughout the provinces. His treatise de Lapsis shows that during the last thirty years the new religion had become naturalized and secularized in the capital as a  religio licita," spreading through all ranks and classes. <sup>3</sup> The victims of the</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> This episcopal organization in Africa was one result of the municipal organization of Northern Africa which was derived from the Phoenicians. " When the Roman rule began in Africa, the C. territory then consisted in the main of urban communities, for the most part small in size, of which there were counted three hundred, each administered by its suffetes ; in this matter the republic did not introduce any change" (Mummsen, Rom. Gesch., v. p. 644 ; Eng. trans., ii. 329 ; on the transformation of this organization in Italian towns, see pp. 646 f. ; Eng. trans., ii. pp. 332 f. Cp. also Barthel, Zur Gesch. der rom. Stadte in Africa, Greifswald, 1904). Among other reasons why the church failed to root itself among the Berbers, we may, perhaps, include this, that these tribes held chiefly to the hills and steppes and lacked any municipal organization ; they simply formed unions of natives, directly controlled by the provincial governors. Such conditions rendered any Christianizing process almost impossible. It was only in certain Celtic provinces, such as Ireland, that the church surmounted this obstacle, and she only did so after she had acquired in monasticism a fresh and more opportune instrument for her propaganda. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Though these were not as large as in Rome. It held true, even within the Christian church, that " Rome must take precedence of Carthage, in virtue of her size" (" pro magnitudine sua debet Carthaginem Roma praecedere, " Ep. Iii. 3). <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> The large number of bishops may be inferred indirectly from their increasing secularization ; cp. de Lapsis, vi. ("Episcopi plurimi, quos et hortamento esse [[282b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> oportet ceteris et exemplo, divina procuratione contempta procuratores regum saecularium fieri, derelicta cathedra, plebe deserta per alienas provincias oberrantes negotiationes quaestuosae nundinas aucupari, esurientibus in ecclesia fratribus habere argentum largiter velle, fundos insidiosis fraudibus rapere, usuris multiplicantibus foenus augere"=A large number of bishops, who ought to exhort and give an example to others, despised their divine commission in order to undertake secular business, forsook their thrones, left their people, wandered over foreign provinces, and ransacked the markets for profitable trade, while the brethren were meanwhile starving in the church. Their craving was for hoards of money, they seized estates by deceitful frauds, and increased their gains by multiplying exorbitant interest). </span></div> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[282]] Decian persecution, i.e., those who succumbed by renouncing their faith, must have been counted by thousands. But, above all, the personality of Cyprian himself shows the importance which already attached to a bishop of Carthage. Read his letters and his martyrdom, and you get the impression that this was a man who enjoyed the repute, and wielded the authority, of a provincial governor ("" praeses provinciae "). He is certainly not a whit inferior to Paul of Samosata (see above, pp. 106 f.). <sup>1</sup> We can readily credit his statement (Ep, lxvi. 5 novus credentium populus " = a new host of believers) that numerous pagans were won over to Christianity under his episcopal rule. <sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p>For statistical purposes Cyprian's writings are of little service. According to Ep. lxii. 5, he forwarded, along with his letter to some Numidian churches which had been laid waste by brigands, a list of all those members of the Carthaginian church who had contributed the large sum of a hundred thousand sesterces as ransom money ! [see above, vol. i. pp. 187 f.]. Unluckily, </p> </div> </span><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> <div class="footnote"> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> We also see, of course, that he was surrounded by insignificant people, for the most part. Hardly one prominent layman occurs in the entire correspondence of Cyprian (for an earlier period, cp. " Vibia Perpetua, honeste nata, liberaliter instituta, matronaliter nupta" in the Acta Perpetuae, above, vol. i. p. 396: also some passages in Tertullian). Cyprian is a king among plebeians. Or did he stand so high that there were no distinctions of rank below him? The repute of his writings almost equalled that of the Bible both in Africa and elsewhere. It was Augustine who first put a stop to this quasi-canonisation of Cyprian (cp. Ep., xciii. 36, etc. ), for all his veneration of the man. <br> </p> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>2</sup> The central position in Christendom occupied by Carthage about the middle of the third century is entirely due to Cyprian, who corresponded with bishops in Rome, Spain, Gaul, and Cappadocia, and took pains to bring his letters upon the question of apostates "to the notice of all the churches and all the brethren" ("in notitiam ecclesiis omnibus et universis fratribus," Ep. Iv. 5). He governed the churches of Northern Africa from the Syrtes to Mauretania. </p> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[283]] this list has not been engrossed along with the letter, so that we do not possess it.<sup>1</sup><br> According to Ep. lix. 9, he furnished Cornelius of Rome with a list of all the African bishops who had held aloof from the Novatian schism. But this list also has been lost. No item can be gleaned from the records of the African synods which were held before the great synod upon heretical baptism. We learn nothing from the fact that an ample number of bishops" ( copiosus episcoporum numerus "), i.e., 42, 66, 37, 31 (from the proconsular province ; 18 Numidian bishops are enumerated), and 71 attended these gatherings. On the other hand, great importance attaches to the protocol (in Cyprian's works) upon the synod of 256 or 257 A.D. (on the subject of heretical baptism). Here the votes of 87 bishops are verbally reported, and the sites of their bishoprics are given. At a single stroke we are thus informed of a large number of bishoprics which existed previous to 256-257. No doubt, a considerable proportion of these have not yet been identified, despite the remarkable advances made by explorers of Roman Africa. Still, the majority can be identified, with the aid of the later councils, the Corpus Inscript. Lat. (vol. viii.), and the investigations of Tissot and others (see below). Bishoprics already existed in all parts of Northern Africa (four, e.g., in Tripolitana), the greatest number being in the northern proconsular province, the smallest, as one might expect, in</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Uhlhorn (Die christ. Liebestktigkeit in der alten Kirche, p. 153; Eng. trans., p. 158) writes thus: "The Carthaginian church cannot as yet [i.e., in the days of Cyprian] have been large. Cyprian remarks in passing that he knew every member of it-which proves that at most it amounted to three or four thousand souls." Uhlhorn has Ep. xli. 4 in view, but we cannot possibly infer from this passage that Cyprian knew all the members of the church. In my opinion, three or four thousand is too low an estimate. The passages upon the persecution, as well as others (including those upon the heretics), give one the impression that Uhlhorn's estimate is put too low, even were one to regard it as equivalent to the number of independent males, in which case it would need to be trebled or quadrupled. Still, Uhlhorn is right in pointing out that, to judge from the letters of Cyprian, the Carthaginian church cannot have numbered its members by tens of thousands. Statistical calculations such as those of Munter (Prirnordia eccl. Afric., p. 24), which put the number of African Christians at the beginning of the third century at more than 100,000, are entirely baseless. It is also inadmissible to infer, as Renan does (Mart. Aurele, p. 451), from Tert., ad Scap. v., that the Christian population of Carthage amounted to one-tenth of the total population in 212 A.D. <br> </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[284]] </span>Mauretania, while Numidia reveals quite a considerable number.<sup>1</sup> We are justified also in assuming that this great African council was attended by the majority of the bishops in these provinces who were favourable to Cyprian, unless special circumstances prevented them from putting in an appearance. Those favourable to heretical baptism naturally absented themselves, and we do not know how strong they were. <sup>2</sup> But they were certainly not in the majority. As for the total number of African bishops in the days of Cyprian, we can hardly put that above a hundred and fifty. <sup>3</sup> <br> </p> <p>It is unfortunate that the Christian inscriptions of Africa, which, in many respects are so unique and valuable, afford extremely little reliable material for the pre-Constantine age. As a rule, they are almost entirely undated, and consequently almost entirely useless for our present purpose . <sup>4</sup> The numerous inscriptions of the martyrs were almost without exception the work of a later age, and in general they testify, not that a martyr suffered in such and such a place, but that he was reverenced there, or that his relics had been brought thither. To work through the material furnished by the Christian inscriptions of Africa, therefore, yields little or nothing for the third century, although the results are so important for the fourth and fifth and sixth. As for the African Acts and narratives of the martyrs, they present a hard problem. Any tenable results to be got from them will be found collected at the close of our list of African towns. <br> </p> <p>Between the reign of Gallienus and the year 303, the church of Africa must have increased by a process of geometrical progression.<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><sup>1</sup> </span></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Numidia proconsularis and Numidia itself, when put together, seem to have embraced hardly fewer bishoprics than Africa proconsularis (i.e., Zeugitana and Byzacium together). As we should expect a priori, the majority of the bishoprics which have been identified lie on the main routes. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Cyprian merely speaks of "episcopi plurimi ex provincia Africa, Numidia, Mauretania," at the opening. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> In the vicinity of Carthage there were a number of towns which sent no bishop to the council, but which nevertheless are not to be considered as having had no bishop. We may therefore conjecture that such bishops were opposed to Cyprian on the question of heretical baptism. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> Cp. the sections in Leclercq (especially I. 381-432), who has made careful use of all the relevant material. </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[285]] The fragments of the Donatist Acts, relating to the earliest phase of the schism, almost give us the impression that Christianity had already become the religion of Northern Africa, and this impression is corroborated by a document of Constantine (in Eus., H.E., x. 5), in which these  densely populated" provinces appear to be ranked as Christian. Moreover, if one considers (cp. the Gesta apud Zenophilum) the clergy and ecclesiastical treasures of Thamugadi or the clergy of Cirta, <sup>2</sup> the verdict will be that the triumph of the church in Africa was imminent, owing to the internal development of the situation as well as to other causes. The Diocletian persecution only lasted two full years, though it certainly cost <sup>3</sup> the church the loss of many martyrs and apostates (Eusebius himself, in far-off Palestinian Caesarea, bears in mind the martyrs in Africa and Mauretania ; H.E., viii. 6). Once it was over, back flowed the crowd of apostates. But it is the Donatist movement which shows most plainly the extent to which the new religion had permeated the people, and even the Punic population. People actually began to represent it as a national palladium. <br> </p> <p>Paganism, quite apart from the Berbers, was not of course</p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <p><br> </p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Several churches in Cyprian's day were certainly still poor, or very insignificant. Why, Cyprian deems it possible, and in fact likely, that the church in one town will be unable to furnish the minimum living wage to support a Christian (a teacher of the dramatic art, who was to abandon his profession) ! The town is not named, but its bishop is called Eucratius ; and a.certain bishop of Thence, called Eucratius, occurs among the bishops of the Sentent. lxxxvii. episcoporun. Perhaps it was Thence which had so poor and small a church. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> Basilicas had An erected by this time in towns like Zama and Furni (Acta Purgat. Felic. iv.). When the Donatist controversy began, there were several churches, as we might expect, in Carthage. 'The city had special Christian churchyards by the end of the second century (Tert., Apol. xxxvii., ad Scap. iii.). The greatest activity in church-building throughout Africa prevailed in the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, as we learn from the ruins. For a Christian "area" in Carthage and other African Christian "areas," cp. Leclercq, I. pp. 55 f. Church-buildings must have been common on these "areas," even during the third century. An accurate description of the "area" in which Cyprian's corpse was laid is given in Acta proconsul. Cypriani, v. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> Seventy African bishops, e.g., apostatized (cp. August., Ep. xliii.). For the martyrs, cp. Aug., Ep. lxxviii. 3: "Numquid non et Africa sanctorum martyrum corporibus plena est ? " Note in passing that Cyprian's writings never mention any worship of the martyrs' bodies or relics ; in this respect Africa was probably behind the East. But Cyprian's letters show that in Africa, as elsewhere, the martyred dead were worshipped and invoked. </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[286]] extinct even by the fourth century, but the resistance encountered by Christianity seems upon the whole to have been less here than elsewhere. We must regard the pagan reactions at Calama and Sufes (Aug., Ep. xc., xci., 1.) as exceptional. <br> </p> <p>As for the number of bishoprics, almost a hundred can be shown to have existed by 258 A.D., and by the beginning of the fourth century twenty-five more were added. But the places where bishops can be traced were not all the places where bishoprics existed (see above). This is shown by the following consideration. In his work against the Donatists, Optatus happens to mention seventeen towns in which there were bishoprics at the date of the great persecution. Of these seventeen, only eight occur in Cyprian. The other nine he never mentions. Hence it follows with some probability that the number of bishops in Africa was nearly doubled between 258 and 303 A.D. ; while, if one postulates (see above) about 130 or 150 bishoprics in Cyprian's day, one will be disposed to enumerate about 250 at the opening of the fourth century. This hypothesis is corroborated by the fact that in the year 330 no fewer than 270 Donatist bishops were able to assemble at Carthage (Aug., Ep. xciii. 43). Consequently, if our calculations are correct, the growth of the episcopate in Northern Africa exhibits the following stages : circa 220 A.D. (Agrippinus), 70-90 bishoprics ; circa 250 A.D. nearly 150; by the opening of the fourth century hardly less than 250; and at the beginning of the fifth century between 500 and 700.<sup>1</sup> <br> </p> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><sup>1</sup> Leclercq, I. pp. 79 f.: " It would be premature, in my opinion, to attempt here any classification of the ancient episcopates of Northern Africa ; the investigations which have been undertaken in this field enable us to conclude that the numerous questions arising out of this problem do not yet admit of any definite settlement." </span></p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">I now proceed to enumerate the places where we know Christian churches existed previous to 325 A.D. They are as follows : - <br> <br> </span><i>Places mentioned previous to Cyprian <sup>2</sup></i>:--<br> </p> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"></div> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>2</sup> In marking the provinces in which the various towns lie, I have followed the map in C.I.L., vol. viii. Cp. the exact delimitation of the provinces in Leclercq, I. pp. 84 f.<br> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <div class="maintext"> <ul> <li>Carthage (Tertullian). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[287]]</span></li> <li>Madaura (in Numidia, where-according to Augustine--the first African martyr perished).&nbsp;</li> <li>Scilium (Acta Mart. Scil., hitherto unidentified, though it must have lain in proconsular Numidia ; cp. Neumann's Ronz. Staat and Kirche, i. p. 71 ; it is not the same as Cillium in Byzacium).&nbsp;</li> <li>Uthina (Tert., de Monog. xii. ; in Africa protons. Zeug.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Lambaese (Tert., ad Scap. iv. The heretic Privatus lived here not later than circa 240 A.D. ; a Christian inscription in C.I.L., No. 18,488; martyrs-Jacobus, Marianus, etc.; in Numidia).&nbsp;</li> <li>Hadrumetum (Tert., ad Scap. iii. ; in Africa protons. Byz.).<sup>1</sup> <br> </li> </ul> <p> </p> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 80px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> On the catacombs of Hadrumetum, cp. Wittig in Rom. Quartalschrift, xix. 1-2 (1905), pp. 83 f. : "Faint traces of frescoes can be made out on the tufa covering the walls, resembling those on the Callistus catacomb." </p> </div> <ul> <li>Thysdrus (Tert., ad Scap. iv.; in Africa protons. Byz.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Tipasa (in Mauret. Caes. ; a dated Christian inscription of the year 238-Rasinia Secunda-in C.I.L. viii., No. 9289, Suppl. 20,856. But its Christian character is not absolutely certain.<br> </li> </ul> <p>Other traces of Christianity in the third century). <sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>2</sup> A subterranean Christian graveyard has also been found here, as at Areh-Zara, in the vicinity of Sullectum, the ancient seaport in Byzacium. But we do not know if these belong to the pre-Constantine age. </p> <p>There were Christians in Tertullian's day in Mauretania ; cp ad Scap. iv.: "Nam et nunc a praeside Mauretaniae vexatur hoc nomen." <br> <i><br> Places mentioned</i> (especially in the <i>Sent. lxxxvii. episcoporum) by Cyprian <sup>3</sup> :</i> --</p> </div> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>3</sup> In addition to some of those just mentioned, which he also notices.-The classification of the eighty-seven bishops at the council of Carthage is not according to their provinces, so that in cases where the seat of the bishopric has hitherto eluded identification, one cannot unfortunately determine from the order the precise province in which we are to look for it. Some help, however, is afforded by the lists of later Carthaginian councils, where the bishoprics are assigned to their provinces. A curious position at the former council was occupied by the bishopric of Tripolitana, which was represented by two members, one of whom voted also in the name of two absent bishops of Tripolitana. (It is remarkable, by the way, that Neapolis, along with Leptis magna, had a bishop of its own, and that the bishop of the latter place was represented by the bishop of Oea and not of Neapolis. Probably the former was an older man. Perhaps, too, by Neapolis we are meant to understand, not the Tripolitan town, but Neapolis in [[288b]] provincia Zeugitana, although it is mentioned after Oea.) These Tripolitan Christians voted (Nos. 83-86) at the conclusion of the division, apologizing for the non-appearance of their two colleagues, and then voting in their stead. As the opening of the protocol mentions Africa, Numidia, and Mauretania, without a word of Tripolitana, we may perhaps assume that the Tripolitan bishops were not at that time regular members of the general African synod, but held a kind of independent position, though they received on this occasion a special invitation to be present (which would also explain the unusual act of taking their votes in absentia). As the other bishops did not vote according to their provinces-a proof that the ecclesiastical arrangement of the African provinces was still very imperfect-it is obvious that they must have voted in order of seniority ; and this conjecture is corroborated (t) by the well-known fact that in Numidia the oldest bishop always discharged the duties of the metropolitan ; and (2) by the remark that the bishop (of Cuicul) who voted as No. 71 emphasized the "recent origin" (" novitas ") of his episcopate (" Novitas episcopatus effecit, ut sustinerem quid maiores iudicarent"), as did the seventy-eighth bishop ("quod et ipsi scitis, non olim sum episcopus constitutus "). A comparison of the names of the bishops at the earlier councils shows, however, that this principle of seniority cannot have been strictly adhered to in every case.-Monceaux (ii. pp. 7 f.) remarks, on the list of the eighty-seven bishops, that " the majority of these bishoprics may be identified to-day with modern localities, which allows us to study the geographical redistribution and to draw up, at any rate in outline, a map of Christian Africa at the middle of the third century. If we first follow the coast from the great Syrtis to the frontier of Mauretania, we come upon nearly twenty bishoprics : Leptis magna, Sabrata, Oca, Girba, in Tripolitana ; Macomades, Thence, Leptis minor, Hadrumetum, Horrea Caelia, in Byzacium ; Neapolis and Carpis, on the peninsula of Cape Bon ; then, north of Carthage, Utica, Thinisa, Hippo Diarrhytus ; Thabraca- and Hippo regius on the sea-board of Numidia proconsularis ; with Rusicade and perhaps Tucca in Numidia proper. Pass now into the interior. The outskirts of Carthage show a host of bishoprics. On the south, in the valley of Oued-Melian or the neighbourhood, Uthina, Thimida Regia, Segermes, Medeli ; on the west, in the lower valley of the Medjerda or its affluents, and on the adjoining plains, Thuburbo, Furni, Sicilibba, Membressa, Abitina, Thuccabor, Vaga, Thibaris, Agbia, Thugga, Zama, and Ausafa. Farther off, towards the south-west, on the plains of Byzacium, there are the bishoprics of Mactaris, Ammaedara, Sufes, Marazana, Sufetula, and Germaniciana; still farther south, at the entrance to the desert, Thelepte, Gemellae, and Capsa. In proconsular Numidia-Bulla, Sicca, Lares, Obba, and Assuras. Finally, in Numidia proper-in the north and centre, Milev, Cuicul, Cirta, Nova, and Gazaufala ; on the southern slope of Aures, Tubunae, Lamasba, Lambaese, [[289b]]&nbsp; <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> Thamugadi, Mascula, Bagai, Cedias, and Theveste, with Badis to the south of Aures.-To these sixty-three bishoprics which can be located, we must add twenty-four others which have not been identified, twelve of them in provincia proconsularis, six in Numidia, and six which are quite indeterminate." </span> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <div class="maintext"> <ul> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">Abbir Germaniciana (identification uncertain ; cp. Wilmanns <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[288]] in C.I.L., viii. p. 102, and Tissot's Geogr. de la Province Romaine d'Afrique, ii. pp. 593, 771. Wilmanns identifies Abbir Cellense in Africa protons. Zeug. with Abbir maius south-west of Thimida, and our Abbir with Abbir minus, which is also to be sought in Africa protons.-near Germaniciana ?). <br> </span></span></li> <li>Abitina (near Membressa in Africa protons. Zeug. local martyrs, cp. vol. i. p. 397, and Ruinart's Acta Mart., pp. 414 f.). [[289]]</li> <li>Aggya (= Acbia, = Agbia in Africa protons. Zeug. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 339, 341, 450). <sup>1</sup> <br> </li> </ul> <p> </p> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Others identify Aggya with Oppidum Aggense, not with Agbia. </div> </div> <ul> <li>Ammedera (=Ad Medera, in Africa protons. Byz. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 459 f., 816).&nbsp;</li> <li>Assuras (Numid. procons. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 568, 619, 818).&nbsp;</li> <li>Ausafa (probably= Uzappa ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 575, 586, 600, 791 ; in Africa procons. Byz., not far from the south-east corner of Numid. protons.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Ausuaga (= Auzuaga ; there were two places of this name in Africa protons., but neither, to my knowledge, has been identified ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 772).&nbsp;</li> <li>Bagai (in Numid. ; see Tissot, ii. p. 817).&nbsp;</li> <li>Bamacorra (in Numid. ; unidentified ; called after the Bamacures, Pliny, v. 4 ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 777).</li> <li>Biltha (unidentified ; its bishop was the first speaker at Cyprian's great council. According to the list of the council of 411, we are to place it in Africa protons.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Bulla (may be identified with Bulla Regia in Numid. procons., but there seems also to have been a Bulla in Africa protons.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Buslacena (=Bisica Lucana in Africa protons. Zeug. ? Hardly. The place is unknown).&nbsp;</li> <li>Buruc (Burug; unknown. In protons.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Capsa (= Gafsa in Africa protons. Byz. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 663, 783. But there seems also to have been a Capsa in Numidia ; see Tissot, p. 777 ; so Monceaux).&nbsp;</li> <li>Carpis (Africa procons. Zeug.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Castra Galbae (unidentified ; in Numid.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Cedias (in Numid. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 817).&nbsp;</li> <li>Chullabi (unknown).&nbsp;</li> <li>Cibaliana (unknown ; protons.).&nbsp;</li> <li>Cirta (in Numidia ; the existence of several basilicas previous to the great persecution is proved by Optatus, i. 14. Native place of Caecilius Natalis, the disputant in the Octavius of Minucius Felix ; see also C.I.L. viii., Nos. 7094-7098, and Dessau <br> </li> </ul> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[290-291 insert here]]<br> [[292]] <br> </span></p> <ul> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">Octavum (Num. ; unidentified).</span></li> <li>Oea<sup>1</sup> (Tripol. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 217, 812). <br> </li> <li>Rucuma (Africa protons ; unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Rusicade (Numid. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 103, 808). <br> </li> <li>Sabrata <sup>2</sup> (Tripol. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 209, 211). </li> <li>Segermes (= Henchir Harat [Bibae] in Africa protons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 558). </li> <li>Sicca (= Sicca Veneria in Numid. protons. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 7, 21, 375, 815). </li> <li>Sicilibba (Africa procons. Zeug. ; Tissot, ii. pp. xvi, 318, 437, 564). </li> <li>Sigus (a mine near this town south-east of Cirta : Cypr., Ep. lxxix. ; Tissot, ii. p. 424; cp. Leclercq, I. pp. 218 f.). </li> <li>Sufes (Africa protons. Byz. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 617). </li> <li>Sufetula (Africa protons. Byz. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 613, 819). </li> <li>Sutunurum, or rather Sutunurc (a) ; Cypr., Ep. lix. 10 (MSS., Sutunurcensis, Suturnucensis, Quoturnicensis, Uturnucensis. The town, as Dessau informs me, lay in Africa protons., about 32 kilometres south of Tunis, near Henschir-el-Asker, 7 kilometres north of ancient Giufi ; so inscriptions). </li> <li>Thabraca (seaport on the African coast of Num. protons. ; Tissot, ii. pp. 94, 808). </li> <li>Thambi (unidentified). </li> <li>Thamogade (= Thamugadi in Numidia ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 30, 487, 817; highly. successful excavations have recently been made here). </li> <li>Tharasa (in Numidia ; unidentified). </li> <li>Thasualthe (or Thasuathe, perhaps the same as Thasarte in southern Byz., on the borders of Tripolitana ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 656). </li> <li>Thelebte (Africa protons. Byz. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 49, 648 f., 676, 783). </li> <li>Thenae (Africa protons. Byz. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 2, 16, 190, 811). </li> <li>Theveste (in Numidia; see Mart. Maximiliani, also Optatus, ii. 18). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[293]]</span></li> </ul> </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p> </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Cp. the Life of Apuleius (Apol. 72 f.). <br> <sup>2</sup> Known through the proceedings against Apuleius. </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <ul> <li>Thibaris (Africa protons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 367). <br> </li> <li>Thimida Regia (Africa protons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 590). <br> </li> <li>Thinisa (probably Thunisa; Africa procons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 86). <br> </li> <li>Thubunae (in extreme south-west of Numidia ; cp. Tissot, ii. P. 719). <br> </li> <li>Thuburbo (either Th. minus in Africa protons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 247, 812; or-less probably-Th. maius in the southern district of the same province ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 545. Augustine knew of martyrs in this town, who are grouped with Perpetua and Felicitas-by the inferior class of MSS. of the Acta Perpet. et Felic.). <br> </li> <li>Thucca (=Thugga; Africa protons. Zeug.). <br> </li> <li>Tucca (seaport on the borders of Numidia and Mauretania ; Tissot, ii. pp. 411 f. ; or = Tucca <br> Terebenthina in the north of Byzac. ; Tissot, ii. p. 619; large excavations recently). <br> </li> <li>Thuccabor (Africa protons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 9.91, 812). <br> </li> <li>Badis = Vada, Bada (on the other side of the Atlas range, in the extreme south of Numidia). <br> </li> <li>Vaga (in Africa protons. Zeug.: cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 6, 302, 813). <br> </li> <li>Victoriana (in Numidia ; unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Vicus Caesaris (unknown, perhaps in Numidia ; hardly = Vicus Augusti south of Vaga in Africa protons. Zeug. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 257, 607, 770). <br> </li> <li>Ululis (unknown ; are we to substitute for it Uzelis in Numidia or Uzalis near Utica ?). <br> </li> <li>Utica (Africa protons Zeug. ; Tert., de Pallio, i., "soror civitas"; Mart., " massa candida "). <br> </li> <li>Zama (Zama Regia in Numidia protons. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 7, 571, 577 f., 586. We are not to think here of Zama minor [Colonia Zama] ).<sup>1 </sup><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[294]] </span></li> </ul> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> The father of Novatus died in a village ("vicus"; cp. Cypr., EA. Iii. 3) which is not named. -We must look in Mauretania for the bishop "incerti loci" to whom Cyprian's seventy-first epistle is addressed (cp. Ep. lxxii. t) ; perhaps, too, for bishop Jubajan (Ep. lxxiii.), who occupied a see at a great distance from Carthage.<br> </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p><span style="font-style: italic;">Places mentioned after Cyprian, down to the council of Nicaea </span><sup style="font-style: italic;">1</sup><span style="font-style: italic;">:-</span></p> <ul> <li>Abthugni (so more correctly than Aptungi, Acta Donat.). Now identified, Dessau informs me, by means of an inscription (Bull. arch. du comite des travaux historiques, 1893, p. 226) ; near Henschir es-Suar, due south of Carthage and west of Mediccera, on the southern frontier of Byzacium. <br> </li> <li>Aquae Tibilitanae (in Numid., on the borders of Numid. procons., Acta Donat. ; cp. Tissot, ii. p. 384). <br> </li> <li>Avioccala = Abiocatense oppidum (Africa protons:; the local bishop was murdered before the altar during the Donatist rising in 317 A.D. ; cp. Acta ss. Donati et Advocati ; Gsell, in Mel. d'arch. et d'hist., 1899, p. 60, and previously Gauckler in Comptes rendus de l'Acad. des inscr., 1898, pp. 499 f.; Rev. archeol., 1898, ii. p. 442), near Henschir el Khima in Byzac., not far east of Mactar (so Dessau informs me). <br> </li> <li>Calama (Acta Donat. ; Aug., Ep. liii. 4 ; in Numid. procons. ; unidentified ; Tissot, ii. 43 f.). <br> </li> <li>Centurionis (Centurionensis, Acta Donat. ; in Numidia, unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Garbe (Acta Donat. ; in Numidia ; unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Limata (Acta Donat. ; in Numidia ; unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Rotarium (Acta Donat. ; in Numidia ; unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Casae Nigrae (Acta Donat. ; in Numidia ; cp. Aug., Retract., I. 20, and elsewhere ; unidentified). <br> </li> <li>Tigisis Numid. or Maur. (Acta Donat. ; in Numidia ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 420, 816). <br> </li> <li>Caesarea Mauret., Cherchel (synod of Arles ; martyrs, and inscriptions probably of third century, cp. C.I.L. viii., No. 9585). <sup>2</sup><br> </li> </ul> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> At Arles there were present the bishops of Carthage, Uthina, Utica, Beneventum [this cannot be the Italian town ; even the bishop's name does not suit that. In 313 A.D. Theophilus was bishop of the Italian Beneventum ; but where are we to look for an African town of that name?], Thuburbo, Pocofeltle [where is it?], Legisvolumen in Numidia [unidentified], and Verum [if this town belongs to Africa]. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> The town was still almost entirely Greek in Juba's day. Leclercq (I. p. 173) thinks that the local churchyard goes back to the age of Septimius Severus. From Retract., II. 77, it follows that the town in Augustine's time had at least two churches ("ecclesia maior ").&nbsp;<br> </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <ul> <li><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> Legisvolumen (in Numid., unknown ; synod of Arles). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[295]]</span></span></li> <li>Pocofeltae (synod of Arles ; unknown). <br> </li> <li>Verum (synod of Arles ; it is uncertain whether we are to look for this town in North Africa at all). <br> </li> <li>Alatina (or Alutina ; unknown ; a number of MSS. [Mart. Saturnini et Dativi] write Abitina, a city mentioned also by Cyprian ; cp. above, p. 288). <br> </li> <li>Ambiensis (in one MS. the martyr Maximus is described as having been martyred in the province of Ambiensis [Ruinart, p. 9,02] ; according to the Notitia eccl. Africans there- was a bishop of Ambiensis in Mauretania. The place is unknown). <br> </li> <li>Bolitana civitas (local martyrs, according to Augustine ; the place is unknown ; perhaps= Ballis [Vallis] ; cp. Optatus, ii. 4). <br> </li> <li>Cartenna (Mauret. ; local martyrs ; cp. Schwartze, Unters. caber die Entwicklung der afrikanischen Kirche, 1892, pp. 109 f.). <br> </li> <li>Cicabis (Ticabae ; in Maur. Sitif ; unidentified ; Mart. Typ. Veteran. Cp. Anal. Boll., ix. (1890), pp. 116 f. ; Schwartze, p. 147). <br> </li> <li>Maxula (Africa protons. Byz. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 111, 719 ; local martyrs, according to Augustine). <br> </li> <li>Sitifis (Mauret. ; martyrs ; cp. Schwartze, pp. 145 f.). <br> </li> <li>Thagaste (Numid. procons. ; August., de Mendacio, xiii.). <br> </li> <li>Thagura=Thagora (Numid. protons. ; cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 382, 814; St Crispina was born here). <br> </li> <li>Thibiuca (not Thibiura ; in Africa protons. Byz. ; =Zuitina, 42 miles from Carthage, west, in valley of Bagradas, near Thuburbo minus ; Mart. Felicis ;<sup>1</sup> cp. Tissot, ii. pp. 287 f.). <br> </li> </ul> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 80px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> Monceaux (in <span style="font-style: italic;">Rev. Archeol</span>, fourth series, v., 1905, May-June, pp. 335 f ) shows that only the first part of this Martyrdom is genuine ; the second part, which is unauthentic, is laid in Sicily and Italy. </p> </div> <ul> <li>Tingi (Mauret., Acta Marcelli). <br> </li> <li>Tizica (Augustine observes that the bishop of this town, Novellus, was-condemned by the Donatists in 313 A.D. ; cp. ad Donat. post Collat. 38). <br> </li> <li>Uzalis (near Utica, or-more probably-Uzelis in Numidia ; Mart. Felicis et Gennadii). <br> </li> <li>Orleansville (near this town ruins of a basilica have been discovered, which was built in 324 A.D., according to an inscription in C.I.I.. viii., No. 9708). <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[296]]</span></li> <li>Cephalitana possessio (near Thuburbo minus or maius ; unknown; in Africa protons. Zeug. ; Mart. Maxima' et Secundae, etc.).<sup>1</sup> <br> </li> </ul> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p></p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> There is a dated (322 A.D.) Christian inscription in Satafis=Ain Kebira in Mauretania Sitif. (cp. C.I.L. viii., Suppl. III. No. 20,305). Should we not also regard as Christian the inscription from Auzia in Mauretania Caes. (loc. cit., No. 20,780), dated 318 A.D., with the formula D ' M - S -, rendered as "dons memoriae spiritantium " i' For Tipasa and its female martyr Salsa, see loc. cit., Nos. 20,914 and 20,903. Some Christian inscriptions (third century) are said to have been discovered at Henschir-Tambra, as well as one of Ain-Mziges near Zaghuan (Acad des Inscr. et Bell. Lettr., Compte rendu 19o4, pp. 186 f.), but I doubt if the third century inscriptions (e.g., that of Giufi = Henschir-Mscherga, CI.L., No. 870) which contain the name " Quodvultdeus " are necessarily Christian (otherwise Leclercq, I. P. 51). As the modelling of this inscription upon an expression in the Acta Perpetuae, is quite uncertain, I would not affirm that Pescennia Quodvultdeus, the wife of the proconsul C. Quintilius Metellus (before 227 A.D.), was a Christian. Near Sousse a catacomb has been discovered, after the Roman style, with inscriptions which are alleged to be pre-Constantine (op. cit., 1903, pp. 637 f. ; Rd-. Quart., xviii. 2. 1904, p. 154). Catacombs are very rare in Africa ; cp. Leclercq, I. p. 55. " In Numidia," the same writer declares (I. 390 f.), " only three inscriptions can be held, with any show of probability to be prior to the peace of the church : one is an inscription of Ksar Sbai (the Gadiaufala of antiquity, south-east of Cirta), which is probably Christian, on a tomb erected to Corinthiadus, Theodora, and Chinitus by their parents Fidelis and Thallusa (CI.L., No. 4807); another is an inscription found near Tebessa (CI.L., No. 16,589 : " Curtiae Saturninae quae hic fuit ann. Ix. Maevius Faustus coniugi fidelissimae, cum filiis fecit.-Maevii Octavianus Fortunatus Petrus Paulus Saturninus) ; finally, there is the curious inscription of Marinianus, in the museum of Philippeville (C.I.L., No. 8191: " Bono ispirito Mariniani dens refrigeret "). In Eastern Mauretania, at Setif (Sitifis), we find an epitaph of Sertoria (C.I.L., No. 8647). The other inscription recently discovered at Taksebt, in the Kabyles' country, near the site of Rusucurru, is the epitaph of a certain M. Julius Bassus, to whom his brother Paulus raised a pillar. This epitaph is dated the 6th of the Ides of November, in the year 260 (of the province) or 299 (of our era).-Of all the ruins of churches and basilicas discovered in the African provinces, I do not know one which can be traced back to the third century with any probability, not even the church of Henschir-el-Atech (=Ad Portum). </div> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">Setting aside places which cannot be identified at all in connection with the province, as well as places which are doubtful on account of the similarity of their names or for other reasons, the remainder group themselves thus : Africa proconsularis and Numidia have the majority of the bishoprics : Tripolitana and Mauretania have but a few. With map in hand we can see the equable distribution of Christianity over the various provinces (with the exception of Mauretania), equable, i.e., when we take into account the nature of the soil and the presumed density of </span>[[297]] the population.<sup>1</sup> The only parallel to this diffusion occurs in some of the provinces of Asia Minor. Even before Constantine the Christianizing of the country had penetrated far. But though it penetrated far, it did not last. Rapidly as Christianity struck down its roots into the soil of Africa and spread itself abroad, it was as rapidly swept away by Islam. The native Berber population was only superficially Christianized, so far as it was Christianized at all. The next stratum, that of the Punic inhabitants, appears to have been Christianized for the most part ; but as the Punic language never embraced the Bible or any ecclesiastical dialect, the Christianizing process was not permanent. The third stratum, that of the Greco-Roman population, probably became entirely Christian by slow degrees. But it was too thin. Individual churches did manage to maintain their existence till far on in the Middle Ages, but they were scarce and sparse ; the local Christians showed less tenacity than their far less numerous neighbours, the Jews.</p> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Only we must observe that Carthage retained the same importance for the Christianizing of Africa as for the -Romanizing of the province. Churches were most numerous in the vicinity, near and remote, of the metropolis. <br> <br> </div> <p></p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><span style="font-weight: bold;"><a name="19"></a> </span></span><span style="font-weight: bold;">19. SPAIN</span><sup style="font-weight: bold;">2</sup><br> </p> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><br> <sup>2</sup> Cp. Map X.-No certain Christian inscriptions of the pre-Constantine period have as yet been found (cp. Hubner's work on the inscriptions). Leclercq's work (L'Espagne Chretienne, 190(i), which treats of the church-history of Spain down to the Arab invasion, I have been unable to use. But it provides no fresh material for the first three centuries. The appended map (" L'Espagne vers l'epoque de la domination Gothique ") is most helpful.<br> </div> </div> <p> " Here, also, the republic had from the very first contemplated the conquest of the whole peninsula."  If any preliminary steps had been taken by the republic which facilitated the Romanizing of the West,-that movement of world-wide significance which belonged to the subsequent imperial age,-these steps were taken in Spain." G1 In no other province, during the imperial age, was the Romanizing process so keenly urged by the authorities as in Spain."  When Augustus died, the Roman language and Roman customs predominated in Andalusia, Granada, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, and Arragon ; and a [[298]] large proportion of these results is to be attributed to a Romanizing, and not to a colonizing, process."  Monuments with native inscriptions, dating from the imperial age, can hardly be found in Spain." No other province exhibits a Romanizing process of equal strength in matters of ritual."  Historically, the outstanding feature of importance in the Latin authors of Spain is the undeviating adherence of these provincials to the literary development which marked the mother-country. The Gallic rhetoricians and the great authors of the African church remained to some extent foreign, even as they wrote in Latin ; but no one would judge, from their style and substance, that a Seneca or a Martial was a foreigner." Under Augustus,  Tarraco was the headquarters of the Government."  The headquarters of the Spanish troops lay between Lancia, the ancient metropolis of Asturia, and the new Asturica Augusta (Astorga) in Leon, which still bears his name."  Although elsewhere throughout the senatorial provinces it was unusual for imperial troops to be stationed, Italica (near Seville) formed an exception to the rule. It had a division of the Leon legion."  We find . . . . Emerita (Merida), a colony of veterans founded by Augustus during his stay in Spain and elevated to be the capital of Lusitania. In the provincia Tarraconensis the burgess-towns are mainly on the coast ; only one appears in the interior, viz., that of Caesaraugusta (Saragossa)." <br> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>The data known to us from the earliest history of the churches in Spain <sup>1</sup> harmonize remarkably with these sentences from Mommsen's Rom. Geschichte (v. pp. 57 f. ; Eng. trans., i. 63 f.). For us, this history commences-apart from the doubtful journey of Paul, <sup>2</sup> and notices in Irenaeus (i. 10) and</p> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> Gams's work, Die Kirchengeschichte von Spanien (Bd. I. u. II., 1862, 1864), is extremely painstaking but uncritical, though the author is not so destitute of the critical faculty as several of his Spanish predecessors. Even he ignores the forged Christian inscriptions (I. pp. 387 f.). The coolest of these is one which Baronius holds to be genuine : " Neroni. Claudio. Caesari. Aug. Pont. Max. ob. provinciam. latronibus . et . his . qui . novam . generi. humano. superstitionem . inculcabant . purgatam." The inscriptions of Diocletian, with regard to the persecution of Christians, are hardly less audacious fabrications.&nbsp; <br> </p> <p><sup>2</sup> The voyage from Rome to Tarraco did not take more than from four to eight days. It was not a journey of any special distinction. </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[299]] Tertullian (adv. Jud. vii., " Hispaniarum omnes termini"),<sup>1</sup> which prove the existence of Christian churches () in Spain-with the letter (Ep. lxvii.) in which Cyprian replies to a Spanish communication. This letter shows that there were Christian communities at Leon, Astorga, <sup>2</sup> Merida, and Saragossa, i.e., <i>in the very spots where we would look for the earliest settlements.,</i> And there were others. <sup>3</sup> We learn also that the Spanish Christian communities were already numerous, that their bishops formed a synod of their own, and that several of the bishops were more secular than was the case elsewhere, whilst the sharp lines of demarcation between Christianity and the Roman cultus threatened to become obliterated (ch. 6). <sup>4</sup> Finally, we learn that the earliest extant appeal of a foreign bishop to the bishop of Rome was one outcome of this crisis </p> </div> <div class="footnote"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> Tertullian, it is to be noted, has just spoken of " Maurorum multi fines," so that we may assume that he intended to bring out a general diffusion of Christianity throughout Spain as compared with Mauretania. <br> <br> <sup>2</sup> It is a much disputed point, whether the churches in these two towns had only one bishop between them. <br> <br> <sup>3</sup> The letter also mentions other Spanish bishops, viz., those who had recommended Sabinus in writing, and those who maintained ecclesiastical intercourse with Basilides and Martialis after their reinstatement. Unfortunately, nothing is said about their places of residence. <br> <br> <sup>4</sup> " Quapropter cum, sicut scribitis, fratres dilectissimi, et ut Felix et Sabinus collegae nostri [Spanish bishops, who had arrived at Carthage] adseverant utque alius Felix de Caesaraugusta fidei cultor ac defensor veritatis litteris suis significat, Basilides et Martialis [the accused bishops] nefando idololatriae libello contaminati sint, Basilides adhuc insuper praeter libelli maculam [the Decian persecution] cum infirmitate decumberet, in deum blasphemaverit et se blasphemmasse confessus sit et episcopatum pro conscientiae suae vulnere sponte deponens ad agendam paenitentiarn conversus sit deum deprecans et satis gratulans si sibi vel laico communicare contingeret, Martialis quoque <i>praeter gentilium turpia et lutulenta convivia in collegio diu frequentata et filios in eodem collegio exterarum gentium more aped profane sepulcra depositos et alienigenis consepultos, actis etiam publice habitis apud procuratorem ducenarium oblemperasse se idololatriae et Christum negasse contestatus sit </i>cumque alia multa sint et gravia delicta quibus Basilides et Martialis implicati tenentur," etc. (" Wherefore, as you have written, dearly beloved brethren, and as our colleagues Felix and Sabinus maintain, and as another Felix of Caesaraugusta, who upholds the faith and defends the truth, has shown in his letter, Basilides and Martialis have been contaminated by the accursed certificate of idolatry ; while Basilides, in addition to the stain of the certificate, blasphemed God when he was prostrated by sickness, and confessed that he had blasphemed ; and then, owing to his wounded conscience, gave up his episcopate of his own accord, betaking himself to repentance and supplicating God, thankful even to be permitted to communicate as a layman. Martialis, too, <i>besides his long-continued [[300b]] </i><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><i>attendance at the shameful and lewd feasts of the pagans in their halls, besides placing his sons there, in foreign fashion, among profane tombs and burying them beside strangers, has also admitted, in depositions before the ducenarian procurator, that he gave way to idolatry and denied Christ.</i> Inasmuch, too, as there are many other grave crimes in which Basilides and Martialis are held to be implicated," etc. ). When one recollects that this is the first appearance of the Spanish church in history, we are forced to admit that no other provincial church makes so poor a start. But this may be accidental. </span></div> <p> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[300]] (ch. 5). Even in Spain people were Roman.<sup>1</sup> If we examine further the chaos of Spanish legends relating to the martyrs, we can safely say that Tarragona (where Fructuosus the local bishop was martyred under Valerian), Seville, Cordova, Calahorra, Complutum, and Saragossa were towns where Christian communities existed, while martyrdoms, and consequently Christian communities, may be probably assigned also to Italica, Barcelona, and Gerunda (=Gerona). A Priori, we should expect this in the case of the majority of these towns.<sup>2</sup> <br> </p> <p>These scanty notices (together with the not very illuminating remark of Arnobius, i. 16, that there were  countless Christians" in Spain) would exhaust our knowledge of the Spanish church's history previous to Constantine-a history with no famous bishop, not a single Christian author, and no trace whatever of independent life <sup>3</sup>-had we not the good fortune to possess the Acts and signatures of a Spanish synod previous to Constantine, viz., the synod of Elvira (Illiberis = Granada). <sup>4</sup></p> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> It was in opposition to this appeal that the Spanish bishops turned first of all to the African synod.-The history of the church in Africa in other respects, however, stands entirely apart from that of the Spanish church. The Donatist movement did not pass beyond the Straits of Gibraltar ; in fact, it barely reached Mauretania Tingitana. Upon the other hand, the Novatian movement permeated the Spanish church just as thoroughly as the other churches (cp. the writings of Pacian, bishop of Barcelona, at the close of the fourth century). It is not quite certain how far back the roots of Priscillianism (Priscillian died c. 385), the special Spanish heresy, may reach. So far as the history of literature is concerned, its beginnings lie in the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles. But it is quite possible that the heresy was first sown by Manichaeans in Spain. Agnostic syncretistic heretic called Marcus is expressly mentioned as Priscillian's teacher. <br> </p> <p><sup>2</sup> Compare some of the Acts of the martyrs, especially Prudentius aepl o'Teq5lvwv. The Martyrdom of bishop Fructuosus of Tarragona I hold to be authentic. <br> </p> <p><sup>3</sup> One trace perhaps may be detected in Vigilantius along with Priscillian, at the close of the fourth century. <br> </p> <p><sup>4</sup> See Hefele, Konziliengesch., L121 pp. 148 f. [Eng. trans., i. P. 131 fl; Dale, The Synod of Elvira (1882) ; and Duchesne, Le concile d'Elvire et les flamines - [[301b]] <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"> chretiens (1886). Duchesne has shown that the synod probably took place not long before 303 A.D. Nineteen bishops and twenty-four presbyters (representing their bishops) are said to have attended it. </span></p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[301]]&nbsp; From these signatures (the names of course being almost entirely Greco-Latin, and unimportant <sup>1</sup>) we learn that all the Spanish provinces (excepting Mauretania Tingitana, however) were represented at the synod.</p> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <div style="margin-left: 40px;"></div> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> But cp. the names of Sanagius and Evexes.<br> </p> </div> <ul> <li>Gallaecia: Leon (Legio). </li> <li>Tarraconensis : <sup>2</sup> Saragossa and Fibularia, i.e., probably the Calagurris Fibulariensis of Pliny, at the foot of the Pyrenees, not the better-known Calagurris [Calahorra] on the Ebro. (Tarragona and Barcelona are awanting.) <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>2</sup> "The ecclesiastical situation in Tarraconensis, thanks to Pliny's precise statements and their admirable elucidation by Detlefsen in Philologus (xxxii., 1873, pp. 606 f.), is better known to us than any other province of the empire. It numbered 293 independent churches, 25 being colonies or municipalities with the rights of Roman citizenship and 268 being Latin, of which 124 are described as city-churches (oppida), the rest belonging to the country" (Mommsen in Hermes, xxxix., 1904, PP. 324 f.).<br> </p> </li> <li> <p>Lusitania : Merida, Ossonova, Evora [?possibly Ebura in Baetica, or Elbora=Talavera near Toledo; but both identifications are precarious]. </p> </li> <li>Carthaginiensis : Carthagena, Acci (Guadix), Castulo [Cazlona], Mentesa, Urci,<sup>3</sup> Toledo, Lorca (Eliocrota), Basti. <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>3</sup> Instead of " Urcitanus," the variant " Corsicanus" has been preserved. But this is incredible. Corsica did not belong to the Spanish provinces. <br> </p> </li> <li>Baetica : Cordova, <sup>4</sup> Hispalis (Seville), Tucci [Martos], Ipagrum (Epagro), Illiberis (Elvira, Granada), Malaga, Ursona (Orsuna), Illiturgi, Carula, Astigi, Ategua (Ateva, Teba), <span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">[[302]]&nbsp; Acinipo, Igabrum (Gabra, Cabra), Ulia, Gemella, Ossigi, Epora (Montoro), Ajune (Arjona), Solia, Laurum, and Barbe.<sup>1</sup></span></li> </ul> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>4</sup> The episcopal seat of Hosius, the well-known court-bishop and "minister of religious affairs" under Constantine. He was the only Spanish bishop at Nicaea. We do not know how he came to be in such close touch with the emperor. In Zosimus, II. 29, the pagan priests tell Constantine that his crimes admit of no expiation, but " an Egyptian from Iberia who came to Rome and got intimate with the ladies of the court, had Constantine convinced by argument that the glory of Christians did away with every vice " ('s   's 0   | v  1 p  y0 s , |     p 6     ). If this refers to Hosius-which is anything but certain-Hosius would be Egyptian by birth. This would fit in well with his mission to Alexandria, at the instance of Constantine, to settle the Arian dispute, and his presidency at Nicaea. But our earliest sources simply call him a Spaniard. </p> <p style="margin-left: 40px;"><sup>1</sup> A comparison of the order of the Spanish signatures in the Acts of the council of Arles, in addition to some other evidence, suggests that the Spanish bishops at Elvira voted in the order of the age of their respective episcopates (cp. Gams, II. pp. 173 f. ; Dale, pp. 47 f. ). Acci (Guadix) would then be the oldest, followed by Cordova, Seville, Tucci (Martos), etc. </p> <p></p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>To these fall to be added two other names in the list, which are either not to be identified or have been corrupted in the course of tradition . <sup>2</sup> It is not surprising that, with a council held in Baetica, almost two-thirds of the bishops (or clergy) should be looked for in that province. But we may conjecture that Baetica was also the province in which the Christian population was most dense. At any rate, from those who took part in the council, it is plain that Christianity was diffused in all parts of the country about the year 300, as might readily be expected in the case of a province which had been so thoroughly Romanized. <sup>3</sup> The mere fact of twenty-five Baetican churches and fourteen other churches being represented at Elvira proves that a considerable number of churches existed throughout the district.<sup>4</sup></p> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>2</sup> Segalvinia and Drona.-The signatures in the MSS. (leaving out the names of the bishops and clergy) run as follows :-Episcopus Accitanus, Cordubensis, Hispalensis, Tuccitanus, Egabrensis, Castulonensis [Catraleucensis], Mentesanus, Illiberitanus, Urcitanus [Corsicanus], Emeritanus, Caesaraugustanus, Legionensis, Toletanus, de Fibularia (Salaria), Ossonobensis, Elborensis, de Eliocrota (Eliocroca), Bastitanus [Bassitanus], Malacitanus. Presbyter de Epora, Ursona, Illiturgi, Carula, Astigi, (A)teva, Acinipo, Eliocrota (Eliocroca), Lauro, Barbe, a Gabro, ab Ajune, a Municipio (perhaps Elvira itself), Ulia, Segalvinia, Urci, Gemella, Castulo, Drona (Brana?), Baria, Solia, Ossigi, Carthagine, Corduba. Possibly by accident, Italica, the birthplace of Hadrian, quite near Seville (Hispalis), is omitted. From the Rev. d'hist. eccles., vi. (1905), pp. 709 f., I see that the Spanish Commission on Monuments is said to have discovered (M. M. F. Lopez) in Italica a Christian churchyard dating from the second century [Excavaciones en Italica (ano 1903), Seville, 1904]. <br> </p> <p><sup>3</sup> In the introduction to the Passio of S. Leocadia (Toletum, during the reign of Diocletian), the doctrine of Christianity is said to have reached Spain late; But this introduction is modelled upon that of the Passio of S. Saturninus of Toulouse ; cp. Gams, I. pp. 337 f. <br> </p> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><sup>4 </sup></span>The Spanish churches had not all bishops ; several, indeed, were governed by a single deacon. Cp. the seventy-seventh canon of Elvira. Of the 37 churches represented at Elvira, 19 sent their bishops (some of whom also brought a pres<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">byter), [[303b]] while 18 were represented only by presbyters. These 18 all belonged to Baetica and the adjoining eastern districts ; i.e., the remote districts sent only bishops to the council. We cannot therefore form any idea of the strength of Christianity in Tarraconensis and Lusitania ; all we can infer from the fact that, with all their detail, the canons draw no distinction between the various provinces, is that a certain amount of uniformity prevailed. -Acci appears in legend as the oldest Spanish bishopric (see p. 302, note 1). </span></p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p><span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">The earliest source available for the history of the Spanish church reveals a serious process of secularizing, and the eighty-one </span>[[303]] canons of the synod amply corroborate this. At the same time they are a striking illustration of that contrast between coarse worldliness and fanatical strictness which has characterized the history of the Spanish church in every age. The dreadful state of matters which Sulpicius Severus has pictured in the Spanish church of his own day, here throws its shadow across the earlier history. <br> </p> <p>The worldliness of the Spanish church and the danger which it incurred of compromising with pagan rites, may be seen from the remarkable fact that local Christians discharged the office of flamen and other pagan priestly offices (whose religious character had faded), besides the duumvirate (cp. canons ii.-iv., Iv., lvi.), as well as from the misdeeds perpetrated by Christians themselves-such as Christian mistresses who flog their handmaids to death (canon v.), Christian murderers, G qui maleficio interficiunt" (vi.), the coarsest forms of lechery, adultery, and laxity in marriage (vii.-x., xxx., xxxi., xlvii., lxiii., lxiv., lxvi.-lxxii.), Christian pimps and procuresses (xii.), adulterous consecrated virgins (xiii.), parents who marry their daughters to pagan priests (xvii.), whorish and adulterous bishops and clergy (xviii.), adulteresses among the wives of the clergy (lxv.), clergy who trade and frequent fairs (xix.),<sup>1</sup> clerical usurers (xx.), and so forth. Further evidence of secularization is afforded by the prohibition of lighted candles by day in cemeteries,  lest the spirits of the saintly dead be disquieted" (xxxiv.), and of women spending the night there,  since they often make prayer the pretext for secretly committing sin " (" eo quod saepe sub obtentu orationis latenter scelera committunt," xxxv.). The [[304]] prohibition which forbids any paintings in the churches may be designed against gorgeous basilicas and pagan abuse of pictures (xxxvi.: " Ne quod colitur et adoratur in parietibus depingatur," where one expects " ne quod in parietibus depingitur colatur et adoretur"). Lampoons were already affixed to churches (Iii.). A secularizing tendency is also implied even in the provision of canon xxxix., that "if pagans in their sickness wish hands to be laid on them, and if their life has been at all respectable, it is resolved that they shall receive the imposition of hands and be made Christians" ( Gentiles si in infirmitate desideraverint sibi manum imponi, si fuerit eorum ex aliqua parte honesta vita, placuit eis manum imponi et fieri Christianos ") ; for this means that Christianity has been adopted as a " viaticum mortis." The fortieth canon presupposes a class of Christians who are great landed proprietors, and who permit their tenants to deduct from their rent monies laid out in honour of the god of agriculture. The forty-first canon ( si vim metuunt servorum, vel se ipsos puros conservent ") presupposes people who let their slaves retain their idols, while canon xlix. relates to those who have their fields blessed by Jews. Slackness or utter neglect of church attendance (xxi., xlvi.) ; catechumens who for a long while ( per infinita tempora," xlv.)<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;"><sup>2</sup></span> never came near the church ; Christians who lent their clothes to deck out secular pageants ( qui vestimenta sua ad ornandam saeculariter pompam dant," lvii.); Christians who go up, like very pagans, to sacrifice to the idol and to look on ( qui ut gentiles ad idolum Capitolii causa sacrificandi ascendunt et vident," lix.); gamesters (xxxix.), etc.these are other features of the situation.</p> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> This canon, however, shows the poverty of many Spanish clerics and churches " Episcopi, presbyteres, et diacones de locis suis negotiandi causa non discedant, nec circumeuntes provincial quaestuosas nundinas sectentur ; sane ad victum sibi conquirendum aut filium aut libertum aut mercenarium aut amicum aut quemlibet mittant, et si voluerint negotiari, intra provinciam negotientur" (cp. above, vol, i. P. 307). </p> </div> <p> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>2</sup> It is evident from this canon, moreover, that lists of catechumens were kept no longer, owing to their large numbers and their loose connection with the church. Yet they were held to be already Christians (cp. canon xxxix. ). </p> </div> <p>These samples must suffice to indicate the extent to which Spanish Christianity had become domiciled in the world, as well as diffused, before the days of Constantine. But one other canon is particularly significant in this connection, viz., the canon (lx.) which declares that no one is to be counted a martyr who has demolished images and perished for this offence. Here and there throughout Spain, Christians must therefore have [[305]]&nbsp; attacked the pagan cultus by force, a fact which implies a wide diffusion of the faith. One further proof of this may be noted in the, application of the name  faithful" ( fideles ") even to heretics-which, so far as I know, was confined to Spain. It was applied thus by the very orthodox themselves (canon li.), so that the term  fidelis" must have lost much of its pristine force. Heretics must have become very numerous already in Spain, and the church must have been imperilled thereby, as is shown by the decision of canon xvi., <sup>1</sup> which condemns intermarriage with heretics more severely than intermarriage with heathens. The Jews,_ too, were a danger to the Spanish Christians, and a number of canons show that a certain Judaizing tendency threatened the local Christians. But whether this was so from the outset, we cannot tell.-As for the severity of these penalties, we have only to glance at the regulations of the other provincial churches to get a standard of comparison. </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p></p> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> In canon xv. we read : " Propter copiam puellarum gentilibus minime in matrimonium dandae sunt virgines Christianae, ne aetas in flore tumens in ad. ulterium animae resolvatur" [see above, pp. 82Q. But no punishment is threatened as in the case of marriages with heretics and Jews. It is noticeable that the female sex in Spain, as elsewhere, appears to have taken a keener interest in Christianity than did the men. <br> </p> </div> <div class="maintext"> <p>[[extra space]]<br> </p> </div> <p>The history of the Spanish church, whose characteristics are so vividly brought out by these synodal canons, is totally unknown to us, as far as its origins are concerned. The canons present it as already an " old " church. In the  Roman " territory, to which even the apostle Paul (according to Clemens Romanus and the Muratorian Fragment) made his way, the church may have arisen almost as early as in Rome itself, but for a long while it did nothing to bring itself into notice, and on its ultimate entrance into the daylight of history no glorious things were spoken of it. Not a single author or famous bishop is mentioned in the pre-Constantine age. How different this church was from that of Africa ! The first Spanish Christian writer is the poet and presbyter C. Vettius Aquilinus Juvencus (about 330 A.D.), who composed an epic-the first Latin Christian 'epic-in due form out of the gospels. The rigorous discipline imposed by the synod of Elvira upon the churches may look im<span style="font-family: &quot;Arial Unicode MS&quot;;">pressive </span>[[306]]&nbsp; to many people, but we are quite ignorant of its effects, or rather we are not ignorant that by the close of the fourth century the Spanish church was in a very bad way. No country offered such resistance as did Spain and her clergy to that monastic asceticism which formed the contemporary expression of all that was most earnest in Christianity.<sup>1</sup></p> </div> <div class="footnote" style="margin-left: 40px;"> <p><sup>1</sup> Sulpicius Severus portrays the Spanish bishop Ithacius as follows (Chron. II. So): " Certe Ithacium nihil pensi, nihil sancti habuisse definio : fuit enim audax, loquax, impudens, sumptuosus, ventri et gulae plurimum impertiens. hic stultitiae eo usque processerat, ut omnes etiam sanctos viros, quibus aut studium inerat lectionis aut propositum erat certare ieiuniis, tamquam Priscilliani socios aut discipulos in crimen arcesseret." He concludes (Chron. II. 50 with the following scathing words upon the state of the Spanish churches : " Inter nostros perpetuum discordiam bellum exarserat, quod iam per xv annos foedis dissensionibus agitatum nullo modo sopiri poterat. et nunc, cum maxime discordiis episcoporum omnia turbari ac misceri cernerentur cunctaque per eos odio aut gratia, metu, inconstantia, invidia, factione, libidine, avaritia, arrogantia, somno, desidia depravata, postremo plures adversum paucos bene consulentes insanis consiliis et pertinacibus studiis certabant : inter haec plebs dei et optimus unusquisque probro atque ludibrio habebatur." </p> </div> </div> </span><br> <br> <br> </body> </html>