In bicultural or multiethnic situations, speakers can choose to interact with each other in one of two ways. Speech convergence is used to gain listener's approval, by using his style, in an integrative gesture. Dissociation occurs when the speaker han gs onto his own style and refuses to accommodate to the listener, either to emphasize his own group identity or to show disapproval of the listener. (For a more in-depth study of the concept, see Giles and Smith 1979.)

Studies based in Quebec and Wales investigate speech accommodation on cross-cultural and regional levels. Findings point to how the two minority groups are striving for language maintenance against the dominant language in a desire to emphasize nationa l identity. (II - 3,6 - Fr,W - a,v,y)

Based on Giles's, Bourhis's, and Taylor's work on ethnic group relations, Tajfel's theory of intergroup relations and social change, and Giles's theory of speech accommodation (see Bourhis, Giles, and Lambert 1975), this article shows that language in multilingual contexts can be used by in-group speakers to raise psycholinguistic distinctives. A two-phase experiment in Belgium was used to test the original hypotheses that was found to be true in this instance. Flemish students whose ethnolinguistics identity was threatened to various extents by taped French speakers, employed different strategies of language divergence from Flemish to English. Overt and covert use of l anguage, as well as convergence/divergence theory ties into this study. A hierarchy of speech divergence strategies was evident as well as a subhierarchy of language divergence, some being more ethnically dissociative.

The authors raise questions about the cross-cultural validity of an experiment of this type, due to the specific political climate of the setting. (This article gives a superb summary of Giles's and Tajfel's theories and of Giles, Bourhis, and Taylor 1977.) (II - 2 - E,Fl,W - a,e,p)

Bilingual education can influence language identity, as it stresses differing functions of each language (per Fishman's domains) and thus preserves the worth of each language. The prestige of the minority language is increased as it is shown to have wo rth in the areas of home, group identification, cultural maintenance, and solidarity. The dominant group can appreciate the value of the minority language in providing insights into that group.

A study was done using the matched guise technique, focusing on the factors of contextual domains and the distinction between status and solidarity ratings. Findings emphasize the need for bilingual education programs to stress the functional use of bo th languages, divided into appropriate domains. It was noted that positive and negative reinforcement for the use of each language by Mexican American adolescents can create an identity crisis for them, and that this stress of language as an identity fact or varies from generation to generation. (Milroy's idea of social networks has significant bearings on this study.) (II - 13 - S,E - d,m)

Early childhood daycare centers present the opportunity for children to learn about their own cultural identity while learning to respect that of others at the same time. Such centers can develop self-confidence and realistic attitudes in multilingual environments. Developing a respect for one's own identity requires exposure to one's mother tongue; this points to a need for teachers to be able to speak the child's language to allow for positive interaction. Linguistic differences between teacher and c hild have been known to contribute to social barriers.

Verbal styles of presenting and reinforcing knowledge are crucial in this context. Input needs to be given in the child's mother tongue, and repeated by the child, for optimal retention. (III - 13 - E,C,Q - i,v,dd)

Clement proposes an evolutionary model for second language acquisition motivations based on integration or assimilation. Incorporating Giles's, Bourhis's, and Taylor's work on ethnolinguistic vitality (see Giles, Bourhis, and Taylor 1977), the author emphasizes that language is the most important dimension of individual identity. Thus, group language status affects one's interethnic behavior. He also acknowledges Cummins's interdependence hypothesis that second language acquisition requires a thorough identification with one's first language group. Add the two antagonistic forces of the desire for integration and the fear of assimilation, and the stage is set for Clement's model. He sees the relationship between bilingualism and ethnic identity as being tenuous, as contact with the other group members affects change in ethnolinguistic i dentity. The dominant group needs second language competence for integrative purposes, and the subordinate group needs second language competence for purposes of assimilation. Prior work has been done in the social and affective aspects of interethnic com munication, but the need now is for research into cognitive mechanisms involved in second language acquisition and social developmental aspects. (I - d,g,p,q,u,v)

This section is contained in a chapter called “Theoretical concepts of speech variation in the framework of the variability concept.” The author proposes that only an interdisciplinary approach to describing bilingualism is sufficient to be o f value, presenting Fishman's integrated sociolinguistic concept. This concept is a continuum of high-to-low ordering constructs (involving domains) that show how language changes. A measurement of language attitudes can reveal information on linguistic n orms (four theoretical concepts of attitude structure are presented). Dittmer discusses various methods of measuring language attitudes and concludes that the two most effective ones (from the mentalist and behaviorist positions) are the commitment measur e and the matched guise technique. He points out, though, that no method explains the origins of language attitudes. (Help in this area may come from further research on ethnolinguistic identity.) These same considerations need to be applied in multilingu al societies, as well. (I - d,e,v)

This article deals with the linguistic decisions facing people in Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria. Faced with an identity crisis that centers around a choice between many dichotomous factors, it appears that the choice of an official language will affect all areas involved. Both French and Arabic have their stronghold: French in relation to modernization and progress, Arabic in terns of ancestry and religion. De facto bilingualism exists, perpetuated by education and government, but clearly a choice will have to be made; these languages are at ethica1 extremes. In any case, cost will be involved. The dividend is that this area still has a choice. A basic question of identity needs to be answered before language problems can be solved. Ironically, the sma ll tribal groups using vernacular languages as their first, are the most stable segment of society from a linguistic standpoint. It is the traditional elite that is being shaken. There is clearly a clash between instrumental and sentimental values of lang uage here. (II - 1 - A,B,Fr - a,d,e,l,m)

Language is a tool man uses to encapsulate thoughts, symbols, and emotion. This concept provided impetus for this entire volume on the role that language plays in ethnicity and intergroup relations. This article gives an overview of all the other chapt ers and presents an integrated framework for studying the role of language in ethnic group relations. The authors synthesize a taxonomy of ethnolinguistic vitality, Tajfel's theory of intergroup relations, and Giles's theory of speech accommodation. This synthesis and application of these two fledging theories point to their apparent usefulness in understanding language behavior in intergroup contexts.

The integration of recent developments related to ethnic group relations emphasizes the role of language as one of the most important symbols of ethnicity. Tajfel's dynamic ideas recognize that neither subordinate nor dominant groups remain passive in an imbalanced situation. Social psychological processes are significantly involved. The integration ties social categorization, social identity, social comparison, psychological distinctives, cognitive alternatives, and group strategies together as affect ing social change. (I - a,q,v,bb)

Setting is an important factor in understanding language behavior. Research has pointed to several universal rules used in relation to speech context, especially in bilingual and multilingual settings. The accommodation theory, based in social psycholo gy, draws from four theories in the same field: similarity attraction, social exchange, causal attribution, and intergroup distinctiveness.

Results of studies in these areas reveal that speech rate is the most salient convergence variable and attraction. The latter area locates accommodation theory as a psychological component, reserving convergence and divergence for sociolinguistic label s.

A study was conducted combining variables of pronunciation, content, speech rate, and convergence/divergence, using a basic message. Listeners evaluated each of eight versions. Speech rate was the most significant aspect, and it was noted that both spe aker and listener reactions can be useful in providing clues to the dynamics of processes within and between groups as they strive for distinction or cooperation. Accommodation theory is recognized as having roots in an interactive interface betwee n social psychology and naive psychology. (These findings support the work of Giles, Bourh is, and Taylor 1977.) (II - 6 - E - a)

Drawing on personal experience as a Norwegian American and studies by Dortan and Scotton, the author explains language as a commodity. The choice of a language in a given situation has either positive, negative, or neutral value. A conscious choice is made by the speaker, conveying his identity to the listener. Naugen points out that some economic or political situations really leave the individual no choice of identity, and quotes Herman (1961), “… language choice [is] … an indicato r of 'directions of acculturation': the choice of language is often a significant indication of the group with which they wish to identify” (282). This article gives an excellent comparison and contrastive view of Dorian's, Scotton's, and Naugen's id eas in language choice. (III - 1,6,9 - e,v)

Ethnic distinctiveness is marked by shared identity, that is, language, religion, nationality, and race add up to an ethnic consciousness. Formerly, assimilation was a popular ideology; this has been replaced by cultural pluralism. In present communica tion between government and ethnic groups, mediators are sorely needed.

The author points out that linguistic identity gives a group the opportunity to obviate political usefulness in terms of ethnicity. Politicians can engineer linguistic situations for political advantages and would rather have ethnic groups find their i dentity in nationality. However, minority groups may consider ethnic self identity to be an alternative to citizenship. The issues covered in this article carry implications for the circumstances described by Gallagher in Gallagher 1964. (III - 13 - I,Q - i,y,aa)

This case study set in Great Britain shows that the manner in which the news media structures content is guided by professional routines, and that these perpetuate the maintenance of a racist identity of the white audience and an alienation of the blac k audience.

The events that are covered by certain words color their subsequent use. Words convey meaning on their own, and also through the alternative words they exclude. Media coverage has positive correlation with attitudes consumers hold about racial issues. Helms's ideas about politics being able to engineer actions involving minority groups through language is seen from a different angle in this case. Tajfel's theory of intergroup behavior also has bearing on this situation--social identity based on an indi vidual's group membership is stereotyped by the news media. Given context in multigroup situations, groups have relative value distinct from other groups. Since social identity flows from comparison, the news media plays a key role. Where social identity is jeopardized, the power of words and the news media are attractive weapons; those controlling the combined power of both possess a critical advantage. (II - 6 - E - u)

Trumpeting the value of ethnicity as a phenomenon in its own right, Jessel argues for it as a cohesive tool in understanding social groups. He states that the ethnic process links “all societal and language interaction.” It contributes to the sociology of language in areas such as

• language maintenance
• shift and loyalty
• multilingualism
• nationalism, and

• language problems in developing countries.

In fact, nationalism is seen to have caused reawakenings of ethnicity by many groups. Through environmental stress, the ethnic process strengthens intimate ties between a language and its speech community. Not everyone would agree that this is always t he direction stress pushes such ties, though.

Gumperz contributes to the idea of ethnicity by merging it with the concept of social matrix. He stops short, however, of developing ethnic factors in the social existence of language. Both group and language evolution are affected by religion, custom, history, and socioeconomic as well as political factors. The ties between people, nations, and language need to be analyzed more deeply, as ethnicity and nationalism indicate positive development of group identity. (I - i,p,y)

Sapir says little on ethnic groups and their relationship to language, but the bit that exists is cogent. He is more concerned with the correlation between culture and language, seeing that language accompanies culture through changes, and thus both at tain maturity concurrently. He strongly believed that a particular language becomes the best expression of a self-conscious nationality, and for this reason opposed the idea of utopian internationalism (Lieberman's article presents a counter argument on t his topic). A political or national unit, once definitely formed, uses a prevailing language as a symbol of its identity. This idea has nourished the modern notion that every language should properly be the expression of a distinct nationality. This is pr ecisely the issue that is facing North African countries (see Gallagher 1964). (I - p,y)

Language is a social history of a people, structuring social perceptions of the past and interpreting the future, that is, creating consciousness. Nationalism is often rooted in language (per Pool and Nida). An attack on language injures national ident ity and personal status, while an emphasis on language often indicates a focus on dignity and political power. Khleif gives a history of the suppression and revival of Welsh, noting the interplay between language, land, and community. He sees the Welsh as desiring interdependence from England, not independence, in an egalitarian quest. Language is becoming an essential part of self-confidence for the new middle class, who are promoting the resurgence of Welsh. Parallels are drawn between the Welsh and the French Canadians, as both view language as the ultimate ethnic boundary asserting their own ethnic identity through language. (III - 3,6 - Fr,E.W - f,p,r,y)

A combination of studies support the idea that bilingual children (as opposed to monolingual) show advantages in the domain of cognitive flexibility. Lambert urges the development of additive forms of bilingualism and biculturalism as a means of easing pressure on ethnic groups.

He presents four possible effects of becoming bilingual which may play on the individual:

1. Identification with one's own cultural background
2. Identification with the host culture
3. View self as having dual allegiance; socially competent and accepted by both groups
4. View ethnic labeling and identification as irrelevant

Bilingualism/biculturalism is not synonymous with identity loss, and there are rewards in holding a dual heritage. To foster this condition, however, a strong educational exposure to one's mother tongue initially, and an additive bilingual program thro ughout schooling must exist. The ideas in this article are a natural progression from the foundational principles discussed in Cazden's article (see Cazden and others 1981). (III - b,c,d)

There are definite links between language and culture in the area of language maintenance. A wide variety of research is referred to here, based on a social psychological approach to intergroup behavior. Awareness that one's speech habits are shifting has psychological and social consequences, and may cause confusion about one's identity. In bilingual situations, the focus needs to be directed toward language and its use, determining how community members view their own group relative to others. Such a focus is helpful in discovering how each group rates its own ethnolinguistic vitality. It is then possible to tailor education to work through both groups on the development of skills within the subordinate language, and to apply an additive approach to bilingual education. (III - 3,13 - e,Fr - d,p)

As the field of social psychology has matured, it has become involved in unattractive aspects of social life that are related to language (prejudice, discrimination, and so forth). Widespread policy decisions are being made in areas such as bilingual e ducation, but researchers realize that language attitudes will affect the success of even the best laid plans. Parents' attitudes are passed on to their children and even after years in school, learning a second language can be threatening to personal and cultural identity, arousing suspicion and distrust of the dominant language and its speakers. Language carries importance in personal identity, group relations, and how a minority group relates to society; so, a fear of language loss is natural (both to recent immigrants and long term ethnolinguistic groups). Here again, additive bilingual education in the mother tongue develops an appreciation for one's first language, and pride in mixed nationality. An education program that attends to feeling of negle ct, fears of language and culture loss, and marginality of ethnolinguistic minority groups may also help underlying concerns of separatists. (III - 3 - E,Fr - d,p)

Lamy reviews theoretical currents in research on this issue, grouping theories into the symbolic interactionist tradition, the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, and reference group theorists.

A national sample survey in Canada indicated that language is the best indication of ethnic identity. However, Lamy concludes that bilingualism has an indirect, not direct, effect on ethnolinguistic identity as:

1. It facilitates interaction with members of the other group
2. Fluent bilinguals can he mistaken for in-group members
3. Contact with the majority group and being seen as a member of that group does affect identity

The conclusion is that bilingualism facilitates the process of identity. (II - 3 - Fr - c,d,g,j,p)

Esperanto and its development as an international language is presented as a melding of language and identity. After presenting an historical account of the rise of Esperanto, the author lays out key points of contact between language and identity. Bot h are characteristic of humans, and have both individual and social dimensions. They modify each other, are constantly changing, and have cognitive and emotional aspects. Zamenhof supported the view that language lies at the core of the individual and com munal identity, and saw the use of a global language as a means of fostering multicultural identity. Esperanto is an avenue for internationalizing the mind. It should not replace an individual's mother tongue, but be added to one's linguistic repertoire, to be used in meeting speakers of other languages on neutral ground. Lieberman sees the use of a common language, such as Esperanto, as strengthening and mutually reinforcing both sentimental and instrumental attachments to itself (in Kelman's terminology ). (II - o)

Lieberson analyzes the role of language as a bond within and between ethnic groups and presents a procedure for analyzing the degree of linguistic intelligibility within both of these contexts. One must investigate three influences on communication wit hin any pluralistic situation:

1. The mother tongue composition of each group
2. The degree of bilingualism
3. The state of segregation or other forms of nonrandom interaction

Formulas predicting each of these factors are explained, intending to be applied in determining how likely ethnic unity is in a given situation.

For maximum unity, the author suggests drawing up programs for achieving a certain degree of mutual intelligibility that involve a maximum level of second language learning. Bilingualism can enhance or undercut unity in ethnic in-groups, depending on t he composition of the group. Linguistic components of each group varies and influences optimal strategy for maximum intelligibility and contact with ethnic compatriates. An alternative to bilingualism is seen in segregation, which reduces the need to lear n a second language. (III - 3 - Fr - d,x)

The authors present a psychologically based model of social norms that has value in studying speech norms and intergroup perceptions. Language is seen as a domain of behavior foundational to perceived group distinctions. These distinctions serve an ind ividual's psychological need for cognitive organization, and meet demands for group membership (re: identity). Each in-group sets speech norms that identify both in- and out-group members. These norms involve linguistic variables and/or social aspects tha t are not locked into a fixed set, but exist in a range of acceptable behavior. ethnolinguistic groups use speech style to maintain or articulate group identity and distinctiveness. A member of an in-group knows both appropriate and deviant forms of speec h. Recognition of these norms dictates behavior to the speaker. (II - 13 - E - t)

This case study investigates the persistence of Crioulo, the language spoken by natives of Cape Verde, in spite of overt opposition by Portuguese colonizers and other seemingly insurmountable barriers to its survival. For this group, language is the cu ltural form chosen as a vehicle and arena for expressing distinctive Cape Verdian identity. All other visible forms of expressive identity are repressed by the government; thus, language is guarded carefully. By manipulating figures of speech and a we/ they sense in their vocabulary, Crioulo speakers emphasize their rejection of Portuguese, even to the point of ignoring established domains, and using Portuguese only when absolutely required. Even upper class Cape Verdians and fluent bilinguals prefe r Crioulo and avoid using Portuguese. Even though schooling is entirely in Portuguese, there is such a strong oral tradition and desire for learning among the Crioulo speakers that self-taught people and poets are not rare. A large group of people support ing a negative view of Portuguese also influences the enthusiastic protection and maintenance of Crioulo. (II - 1 - C,Q - d,e,f,u,cc)

Markey urges sociolinguists to include history in their analyses, particularly language convergence and divergence factors which are bipartite products of change. The final status of either action is, in his opinion, language extinction. Such change ca n only be a satisfactory compromise when the society of the speech community is investigated. Five binary universal factors for investigating these two aspects are:

1. The presence/absence of local group identity
2. The group's proximity/distance from immigration
3. Peer group approval/disapproval
4. Cultural continuity/discontinuity
5. Interclass communication/noncommunication

It is the persistence of low prestige groups, not their elimination, that requires explanation (Milroy and Machado agree with this).

These five universals were applied to three situations (Yiddish, Frisian, and a middle class situation in Michigan). Yiddish, which converged internally and diverged externally showed positive for all five universals. Frisian responded in exactly the o pposite way Yiddish did, in terms of speech accommodation strategies, and was only positive for the first and fifth universal factors. The difference seems to lie in the fact that Yiddish was protective of group identity, being an externally closed societ y, while Frisian was an externally open one. The hypothesis that language loss in America is due to loyalty to English was proven in a survey taken in a condominium complex in Michigan. America is an example of the reverse of the tower of Babel, as langua ge convergence occurs nonviolently in a relatively short time. (II - 13 - E,Fs,Y - a,v)

An investigation of the how and why of low prestige dialect maintenance is undertaken in this article. Milroy identifies the social function of language use on two levels: status oriented and identity oriented functions. High prestige for ms do not depend much on the latter; low prestige varieties do. The chief mechanism for reinforcing the low prestige form and insulating its speakers from the mainstream is a close-knit social network (as seen in the Cape Verde situation in Machado 1977). This emphasizes the significance of social interaction i n the concept of language maintenance. This network generally exists in economically deprived societies, where low status language varieties are found. Case studies in Belfast, Norway, Canada, and the US support and develop these ideas. Milroy posits a un iversal that language used as an identity marker is basic to a society and sees language as a sensitive index of social integration. (III - 3,7,9,13 - u,cc)

It is difficult to organize multiethnic neighborhoods. One recommendation is to coordinate solutions to common problems, rather than amalgamate various groups. Such groups want their own social services, often delineated by language. The key obstacle i n community work is that no one wants to lose or change cultural identity. Natural geographical clusters are a means of securing that identity. Most groups are willing, however, to respect another group's existence. This is a very critical issue: for most poor minority groups, cultural identity is all that they have left. And for many of them, this identity is most easily maintained through language. Milroy's focus on social networks fits in with this notion of social services for each group individually, and supports Molina's suggestions. (II - 13 - E,S - g,u)

This article presents an excellent overview of the literature and studies related to the problems of language and poverty in the context of the North American Indian. Osborn focuses on the relationship between language and the state of poverty among In dians. A discussion of the ways language acquisition, usage, and mastery relate to the incidence and intensity of poverty conditions shows how clearly the instrumental value of a language attracts speakers. Mastery of English is seen as the master key to success in the dominant mainstream of society, and presents barriers to such groups as the Navajo. Osborn recommends a both/and approach to education as a means of allowing Indians to retain their cultural identity while learning a foreign language (English). The crucial problem is a lack of proficiency in English in secondary levels of schooling. Not having lived in an English culture hampers speaking ability, and the dropout rate (due to frustration) is a tangible sign that the system is failing. Osborn emphasizes that much needs to be done to eliminate barriers to full citizenship into the twentieth century American mainstream, and to remove the stigma that haunts Indians as being second-class citizens. (III - 13 - E,I - d,v)

Focusing on the interaction of language and identity, Pool presents a model of hypothesized relationships between the two. He operates on the Whorfian premise that a language change alters thinking. A change in language repertoires, contact, and age af fect relationships (youth being most flexible). Depending on whether a person chooses to identify with both or neither of the groups, he can perceive himself as being bi- or nonidentified. From studies of language repertoires and political or ethnic ident ity, Pool concludes that ethnic identity is more closely associated with language repertoires. Through other studies in Wales and Canada, Pool concludes that language identity is affected by earliest language behavior in Wales and current language behavio r in Canada. Both studies support the notion that the degree of competence in a second language is significant. The Canadian study especially points out that language is a stronger correlate to identity than residence, religion, or ancestry. It is apparen t that minority groups stress identity more than majority groups do. Kelman suggests that united identity may occur by compensating for the natural advantage of the majority by having them learn the language of the minority group. This solution has been s uggested by several other authors, most of whom recommend it in the setting of additive bilingual education programs. (II - 3,6 - E,Fr,W - d)

Nationalism is a means to identity, in which the national language as a phenomenon illustrates the dynamics of group identity, as in Europe. On that continent, the number of national languages has increased steadily since the 1800s. A pattern can be ex tracted from investigating the area. Dialect X is dominant, and other dialects converge for literary purposes; eventually dialect X dominates all areas of language use, and there is an effort to prevent outside influences from taking root (loan words, and so forth).

In other areas, pidginizations have occurred for nationalistic purposes (Papua New Guinea, Sierra Leone, Aruba) as well as regional languages in the case of Bahasa Indonesia, Swahili, and Tagalog. For all people, the need for identity with a face-to-fa ce group is mandatory. However, it is becoming less and less possible to survive as a monolingual in most places in the world. More than one level of identity is held by a majority of the world's population, in the sense of relating to local, regional, na tional, and international languages. (III - y)

The thesis of this article is that the transition from empire to nation state implies a reversal of attitude toward linguistic diversity. Empires fought ethnic loyalty … nation states depend on just that for solidarity. In support of this, Rusto w presents two taxonomies, one showing five types of linguistic states and the other explaining six types of linguistic patterns found across the globe. Comprehensive tables classifying the linguistic unity and diversity of world regions, widespread langu ages within given countries and also within linguistic states consolidate a mass of information to apply to his thesis. A final table lists widespread languages by the percentage of mother tongue speakers in each location.

Language is seen as a key factor in the growth of national unity, and identity becomes a variable dependent on political factors. The close social interaction and interdependence of the modern age tend to pose sharply latent questions of identity and u nity. When no one can read or write, it makes little difference in what language the people are illiterate. The introduction of universal education, however, makes the choice of a language of instruction imperative; and this will have inexorable consequen ces in directing the further quest for identity. Strong feelings of nationalism usually arise initially during a period of intensive modernization and social mobilization. To estimate whether future national identity in Bolivia or the Philippines will be based on the traditional national language, or more recent progressive ones, it is essential to determine at what rates traditional people are being mobilized into each of these groups. In such places as Morocco, Iraq, Malaysia, and Sri Lanka, government policy will be a major factor in solving or exacerbating existing problems of unity or disunity. (Gallagher 1964 details the Moroccan issue.) Language as an issue related to nationalism has become a global affair. (III -v,y,aa)

Combining conclusions supported by similar studies all over the globe, Ryan investigates multidimensional factors of attitude studies. She focuses on status and solidarity factors, correlating with standard and nonstandard speech forms, respectively. B ased on her study with Carranza (see Carranza and Ryan 1975) she states that factor analyses support the original assignment of eight scales into two distinct dimensions, as previously mentioned. Attitudes about language differences depend on the domain in focus, and the difference between language varieties is less on solidarity scales than on status scales. Ryan suggests that further research be conducted in the use of direct and indirect measures and rating scales for measuring language attitudes. Consideration of differences within a given group is another area of needed study. Ryan concludes that low prestige language varieties are maintained because their speakers d o not want to abandon these languages. Solidarity reasons are the strongest force behind this phenomenon. Her study gives creative, practical application of social psychological studies, favoring neither the minority nor the majority, but encouraging the enhancement of both languages through appropriate domains and exposure to middle and upper class members of the minority group. (III - v,bb,cc)

Language identity is applied in a broad sense to this situation. The context is multilingual. For those with the same mother tongue, identity is fragmented by which other languages are known, and the functions of those additional languages. Certain fun ctions may cause conflict. Discrimination occurs because of the languages that one does not know, spurring a negative attitude toward an identity with the mother tongue (as being inadequate) in certain contexts. Usually, this occurs outside one's home are a. Language repertoire determines one's identity within his own group, sorcerers and headmen often having more diverse repertoires.

Language as a symbol of identity can become inverted so that a group becomes alienated from its own variety, and regards it as inferior to others with higher prestige if:

1. It blocks access to desired resources
2. It devalues the mother tongue

Sankoff traces colonial influences in the association of Tok Pisin and English with socioeconomic advantages, which push down the value of the mother tongue in that context. This is essentially the dilemma faced by North American Indians (see Osborn 1973). (II - 10 - E,P - e,f,aa)

Identity indirectly applies to this reward/cost theory. One chooses which self-identity he wants the listener to perceive and bases his language choice on that. Scotton describes language choice as falling into three categories (specific to Uganda, but applicable elsewhere):

1. English: chosen when rewards (status, prestige, and so forth) outweigh costs
2. Swahili: a neutral choice, used to preserve a relationship and communicate no pride or threat
3. Code switching: chosen to portray oneself as friendly, to protect the listener's self-image or as a safe choice in a group containing speakers of both languages

Giles's work on speech accommodation presents a theory for many of the points that Scotton presents (see Giles, Bourhis, and Taylor 1977 and Giles and Smith 1979). (II - 1 - T - e,v)

Based on the use of marked and unmarked code choice, Scotton adds a negotiation model to explain language choice, considering a person's own personality system, his group's identity and behavioral norms, and the dynamics of each interaction. Choices va ry according to how well defined the role relationship between the speakers is. Scotton also describes five maxims dealing with the use of conversations to negotiate social identity. These tools can be used to manipulate or interpret the speaker/hearer in terrelationship, and is most applicable in weakly defined role relationships. Code switching operates as both a function and an indication of multiple identities of the speaker. These ideas expand the concepts that Sankoff (1976) applied to the Papua New Guinea situation. (III - 1 - T - a,e,w)

Searching for a means of promoting positive interaction in multilingual communities, Taylor covers three motivational issues:

1. Low prestige varieties: how does bilingualism affect ethnic identity?
2. High prestige: does this change attitudes toward the second language?
3. Does language choice express cooperation or hostility in interaction?

In the French Canadian situation, language was found to be a key feature of ethnic identity. Bilingualism may even separate children and parents in this era of identity shift. University students felt that learning English threatened their ethnic ident ity because of the likelihood of assimilation and increased anonymity. Motivations related to the consequences of intergroup relations are central to promoting bilingualism. Learning a second language is affected by the degree of contact and the threat to one's ethnic identity. It is unrealistic to even think of legislating in the direction of bilingual education until attitudes have been changed first. Studies must be done in understanding second language learning and use within the context of intergroup relations. (Re: conflict, see Sankoff 1976.) (II - 3 - E,Fr - a,d,p)

Wallwork presents s comprehensive overview of the role of language in society from two angles: use and function. One of the functions that receives special attention is that of identity.

In this chapter on bilingual and multilingual communities, identity is seen as a unifying thread running through Wallwork's discussion of the use and function of language in these two contexts. A synthesis of education, linguistics, and sociolinguistic s is essential, from the author's point of view, in understanding communities of a bi- or multilingual nature. This is probably the most comprehensive, concise article on multilingual societies in this bibliography, and is valuable as an introductory over view to the subject. (III - A,C,E,G,H,R,T,W - d,e,h,k,l,n,s,v)

In a minority area, interethnic relationships changed and caused changes in linguistic behavior. The thesis presented is that linguistic behavior can act as an index for the status of such relationships. Inland groups were heavily infiltrated by coasta l languages for political and economic reasons. These languages held prestige until the country was granted independence. That event changed economic dependence on the coast and sparked a dramatic change of attitude among the inland peoples. Their heighte ned ethnic self-awareness led to desires of political leverage, and this had several major linguistic consequences:

1. Bilinguals no longer automatically chose a coastal language as the second one to be learned.
2. There was a marked shift away from the use of coastal personal names to vernacular ones.
3. There was a marked shift away from the use of coastal place names to vernacular ones.
4. The vernacular was replacing coastal languages in major domains, including local government and public use, education, and religion.
5. English or Pidgin became the language of wider communication, not a coastal language.

In the fight for political recognition, vernacular languages were used as weapons and symbols of ethnic identity. (II - 1 - a,d,g,m,p,q,u,v,z,aa,cc)