Line 1-3 Text * ** *** These lines are quoted in an inscription (CIL vol 2 # 4967, 31) dated to the first century AD. Arma virumque cano has also been found as graffiti on walls at Pompeii. xxxxx Line 7 History Albanique patres * ** *** This probably does not mean "our Alban ancestors," but rather the senate, the noble houses of Alba, including the Julii. xxxxx Line 19 History progeniem * ** *** Possibly the progenies is Scipio Aemilianus, but it is perhaps more likely that it refers instead to the great Trojan families among the Romans. xxxxx Line 19-22 History * ** *** As part of the terms of the treaty made with Rome after Carthage's defeat in the Second Punic War (218-201 BC), Carthage was forbidden to wage war without the consent of Rome. Taking advantage of this prohibition, the Numidian king Massinissa began to make encroachments into the dependencies of Carthage in an effort to enlarge his own territory. When their appeal to the Roman senate was ignored, the Carthaginians declared war on Massinissa (150 BC). Compelled by the memory of Hannibal's invasion of Italy and a misguided fear that Carthage might still pose a threat, the Roman senate, urged on by Cato the Elder, induced the Comitia to declare war on Carthage for breach of treaty (149 BC). Carthage agreed to surrender to Rome until the consuls demanded that they abandon their city and settle inland. Rather than submit to such an ultimatum, the Carthaginians chose to fight, and managed to hold out against the Roman siege until 146. Publius Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus (grandson by adoption of the victor of the Second Punic War, P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus) was elected consul in 147 and sent to Carthage to take charge of the siege. Under his leadership, the Roman forces broke through the walls of Carthage and shortly thereafter captured the citadel. The city was razed and the surviving inhabitants sold into slavery (146 BC). xxxxx Line 56 History * ** *** "Aeolus is like some petty client king, placed in control of a circumscribed area, given strict limits to his authority, and allowed to exercise it only on command" (Feeny, Gods 133). Augustus continued the Republican policy of supporting client kings to control certain districts without annexation. Such was the status of Armenia, Judaea (until AD 6), Thrace, Mauretania, and Cappadocia. Client kings were relatively free in the administration of their country's internal affairs, but might be required to provide troops for Rome's use. Their foreign policy was determined by Augustus. xxxxx Line 148-153 History * ** *** The simile may allude to an incident in 54 BC in which M. Porcius Cato calmed in a similar manner a rioting crowd (Plutarch Cato Minor 44.3-4). Whether or not Vergil had this specific event in mind, the image is certainly reminiscent of the riots in Rome during the intense political struggles of the late Republic. xxxxx Line 150 History iamque faces * ** *** Cf. 12. 656 iamque faces ad tecta volant; Firebrands appear to be typical weapons for a Roman mob: cf. Tacitus Annales 14.45, conglobata multitudine saxa et faces minitante. xxxxx Line 265 History * ** *** The foundation legend here outlined represents the intertwining of several earlier foundation myths: the first settlement, described as the camp by Vergil, lasted for three years, Lavinium for thirty. The kingdom was then transferred by Ascanius/Iulus to Alba Longa. Iulus was succeeded there by twelve kings, the last of whom was Numitor, the grandfather of Romulus and Remus. Romulus is then credited with the founding of Rome proper. Stories concerning Aeneas appear quite early in Italy, as demonstrated by votive statues of Aeneas carrying Anchises from Troy which date to the sixth century and were found at Veii (Etruria). Numerous vase paintings of this scene, as well as of Aeneas in battle, have also been found which date to between 525 - 470 BC. In the fifth century, the Greek writer Hellanicus made Aeneas the founder of Rome (according to Dionyssius of Halicarnassus 1.74.1-2) That a connection to Troy was accepted is demonstrated by the characterization of king Pyrrhus of Epirus as a descendant of Achilles facing off against the descendants of Aeneas in the early third century (Plutarch, Pyrrhus); and by the fact that Segesta managed to secure a favorable alliance with Rome based on an appeal to common Trojan heritage.

Not long after 300 BC, Timaeus brought the date of Rome's foundation down to 814 BC (which brought it into association with the foundation of Carthage, but put it 370 years later than the date established for the fall of Troy). The foundation date of Rome was eventually settled by Varro as 753 BC. To allow for the discrepancy in dates between Aeneas' landing in Italy and the founding of Rome, the twelve intervening kings of Alba Longa were brought into the legend. xxxxx Line 282 * ** *** According to Macrobius (Saturnalia 6.5), Laberius was the author of the line Romanos, rerum dominos, gentemque togatum. Suetonius (Diuus Augustus 40) says that Augustus quoted it. Conington-Nettleship-Haverfield suggest that "It had probably become a stock line to express the grandeur of imperial Rome." xxxxx Line 284-285 History * ** *** domus Assaraci: the Roman descendants of the Trojans.

In 146 BC Rome defeated the Achaean League and dissolved it into its component city-states. The Roman governor of Macedonia was given authority by the Senate to interfere in central Greece and the Peloponnese. The Romans also demolished Corinth, selling its inhabitants into slavery. Commissioners were sent from Rome to settle all of Greece, a task which they completed in six months.

Sources: Pausanias 7.16-17; Livy ep. 52; Polybius 39.13-17. xxxxx Line 286-288 History * ** *** Augustus (Julius Caesar by adoption) is meant here, not, as Servius thinks, Julius Caesar. This is made clear in line 289, where he is described as "laden with Eastern spoils," and 294, where he is said to have closed the gates of war. Emphasis is placed on the cognomen Caesar, while the nomen, Julius, is mentioned to connect him with Iulus. xxxxx Line 288 History * ** *** Cf. 6.789-790 hic Caesar et omnis Iuli / progenies. Julius Caesar claimed descent from Venus Genetrix through Trojan Aeneas, and actively promoted the connection, as demonstrated by a coin minted by him in 48 BC which depicts Venus Genetrix on the obverse, and Aeneas carrying Anchises and the Trojan Palladium on the reverse. xxxxx Line 289 History spoliis Orientis onustum * ** *** For similar complements to Augustus as conqueror of the East see Georgics 2.171; 4.560; and Aeneid 8.724 f. After his victory at Actium in 31 BC, Octavian proceeded to Egypt (summer, 30 BC) at which point Antony's remaining troops deserted. Antony, then Cleopatra, committed suicide, and Octavian carried off the treasure of the Ptolemies and annexed Egypt as a Roman province in charge of a prefect. He then spent some time re-establishing old provinces and client kingdoms in the East before returning to Rome to celebrate a triple triumph for his victories in Illyricum, at Actium, and in Egypt. xxxxx Line 292 History Fides * ** *** Numa established the worship of Fides (Livy 1.21.3). xxxxx History Quirinus * ** *** Servius identifies Quirinus (the deified Romulus) with Augustus and Remus with Agrippa, who married Julia, the daughter of Augustus. It is more likely that the union of Quirinus and Remus is symbolic for the end of the civil wars. Julius Caesar permitted a statue of himself to be set up in the temple of Quirinus. xxxxx Line 293-294 History Belli portae * ** *** Vergil alludes here to the Temple of Janus in Rome, which was closed on January 11, 29 BC, symbolizing the restoration of peace after the final victory of Octavian. Cf. the opening of the Gates of War at 7.607, and compare Plutarch Numa 19. xxxxx Line 294 History Furor impius * ** *** The description here of Furor impius is supposed to be derived from a painting by Apelles which depicted War in fetters (belli imaginem restrictis ad terga manibus), and which Augustus put in his own forum (Pliny NH 35.93). Cf. Georgics 1.511. xxxxx Line 306 History pius Aeneas * ** *** Is the character of pius Aeneas a reflection of Augustus himself, bearing the burdens of leadership for the benefit of the Roman people (as was argued, for instance by Syme, R.R. 448, 462-463)? Certainly Augustus ocupies a prominent place in Vergil's work before the Aeneid. While Aeneas and Augustus can be seen to have certain features in common (both are engaged in fulfilling a divine mission essential to the greatness of Rome; both receive divine guidance in the pursuit of this mission; and both are destined to become divine themselves), it is perhaps unsound to see in Aeneas the actual character of Augustus. Where Augustus appears in the text of the Aeneid (1.286-296, 6.781-805, 8.678-728) his personal traits are not presented: he is never described with the words pietas and virtus (as is Marcellus at 6. 875 f.), but is instead described through his wonderful accomplishments on behalf of Rome. In the case of Aeneas, on the other hand, these very qualities are emphasized. It is probable that he is intended not to represent Augustus, but rather to serve as an exemplar of important Roman character traits, such as pietas.

Sources: Wistrand, "Aeneas and Augustus 195-198, Saller. xxxxx Line 343-352 History Dido * ** *** Note Dido's vow that she will not remarry, but instead will remain faithful to her dead husband, Sychaeus (4. 15-19). "Faithful widows," such as Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, were traditionally idealized in Rome and this continued to be the case despite Augustus' legislative attempts to encourage widows to remarry. Thus Dido's decision to abandon her faithful widowhood for a "marriage" with Aeneas--and the disaster resulting from this decision--should be viewed in light of the Roman cultural ideal of having only one husband.

Sources: Plutarch, Ti. Gracchus 1.4, C. Gracchus 4, 19, Appian BC 1.20, Pomeroy, Women 161. xxxxx Line 378 History sum pius Aeneas * ** *** Is the character of pius Aeneas a reflection of Augustus himself, bearing the burdens of leadership for the benefit of the Roman people (as was argued, for instance by Syme, R.R. 448, 462-463)? Certainly Augustus ocupies a prominent place in Vergil's work before the Aeneid. While Aeneas and Augustus can be seen to have certain features in common (both are engaged in fulfilling a divine mission essential to the greatness of Rome; both receive divine guidance in the pursuit of this mission; and both are destined to become divine themselves), it is perhaps unsound to see in Aeneas the actual character of Augustus. Where Augustus appears in the text of the Aeneid (1.286-296, 6.781-805, 8.678-728) his personal traits are not presented: he is never described with the words pietas and virtus (as is Marcellus at 6. 875 f.), but is instead described through his wonderful accomplishments on behalf of Rome. In the case of Aeneas, on the other hand, these very qualities are emphasized. It is probable that he is intended not to represent Augustus, but rather to serve as an exemplar of important Roman character traits, such as pietas.

Sources: Wistrand, "Aeneas and Augustus 195-198, Saller. xxxxx Line 426 History sanctumque * ** *** sanctus is the regular epithet of the Roman Senate. xxxxx Line 496 History regina Dido * ** *** Dido is often thought to be a reflection, on one level, of Cleopatra VII, last monarch of the Ptolomaic line in Egypt. In keeping with this equation, Aeneas becomes another Mark Antony, but with a difference: unlike Antony, he manages to extricate himself from the influences of the foreign queen and so resume his mission for the greater glory of Rome.

Both Cleopatra and Dido are depicted as exotic, able to lead men astray from their duty "by means of oriental luxury and feminine charm" (Pomeroy, Women 188). Both end, having failed in their purposes, by committing suicide. In reality, their respective purposes were quite different: in the case of Dido, her intent was upon securing the love of Aeneas, even when this was detrimental to the governing of her city. In the case of Cleopatra, "marriage" with Antony was well in line with her political ambitions. If we are to see Cleopatra and Antony in Dido and Aeneas, however, it may be more correct to disregard what we know about the "real" Cleopatra (and the "real" Antony), and to consider instead the portrayal of the pair as it was promoted by Augustus. In this case, Cleopatra's skill at statecraft and diligence as a monarch of Egypt may be swept under the carpet and replaced instead with the image of the decadent, conniving seductress who led Antony down the path to destruction. Antony meanwhile, was characterized as being so terribly in love with Cleopatra, so "bewitched," that this once dutiful Roman was unmanned, unable to carry-through any task on behalf of his state because of his all-consuming preoccupation with the Egyptian queen. Given this picture, it might be equally valid to see a bit of Antony in Dido, who also came to neglect her duties to the state because of her overwhelming love for Aeneas.

Sources: Plutarch Antonius 25, 28, 36, 37, 51, 62, 66; Appian 5.1; Josephus Ant. Iud. 15.93; Cassius Dio, 49.34. xxxxx