Martyrdoms usually "take place." That is, they occur at very specific locations. A sense of place and often of date or datable
events is a very prominent feature of most martyrdoms. For Ignatius it will be Rome; for Stephen
it was Jerusalem; for Polycarp it was Smyrna. Such clear association with time and place is absent from the similar accounts of
martyrdoms that we find in 2 and 4 Maccabees (Macc). That is, a priest, Eleazar, as well as
seven sons in the presence of their mother, endure torture and death in the presence of
Antiochus IV Epiphanes, rather than eat swine's flesh. However, the reader does not learn at
the outset whether Antiochus and the martyrs are in Antioch or in Jerusalem, or in Modiin, as
we might suppose from 1 Maccabees. This paper seeks to review and resolve the question of place with respect to 4 Macc,
specifically whether a provenance in Asia Minor is tenable. The focus of this paper is on the
story of martyrdom by torture as it is told at length in 4 Macc. The narrative itself begins in the
fifth chapter of the book. Preceding the narrative, there are three chapters of preamble setting
the subject of discourse as the sovereign capacity of reason--the rulership of pious reason over
the emotions. A good recent review of this philosophical setting for 4 Macc occurs in John J.
Collins's fifth chapter of From Athens to Jerusalem (1983:187-191). After the three chapters of
introductory Greek rhetoric, the fourth chapter of 4 Macc takes a narrative turn. It tells of the
raid on temple funds by one Apollonius, called Heliodorus in 2 Macc. The book of 4 Macc, as
we have it, then returns to the "philosophical" theme of pious reason, (O EU/SEBES
LOGISMOS/. The story of themartyrdoms is fitted to the philosophical preamble as an
exemplary tale of the way in which religious reason, aided by God-given Law, can govern over
bodily passions. The following fourteen chapters intersperse graphic details of tortures with lofty
philosophies, speeches, and possible contradictions. As one such contradiction, the mother is
not on stage until Antiochus invites her to speak to her seventh son, thinking that she will want
at least one son to remain alive. She speaks to him (12.7) in Hebrew, which Antiochus does not
know. This is a signal for a "biter bit" (man bites dog) reversal, and an audience for the tale
knows to expect some trickery. Hadas notes this as well; to him it represents "the introduction
of an unexpected prospect of reversal before the final catastrophe." Such a device, he
mentions, is a regular technique in Greek tragedy (1953:207,n8). Later the reader learns that, oddly enough, she has been speaking to her sons all along,
without her speeches being given. In Chapter 16, the author begins to give her words in an
hypothetical speech to all her sons. That is to say, the words given to her are contrary to
qualities the author has just praised, "If the woman had been weak in spirit, . . . she would havelamented over them...." (4 Macc, 16:5-11). The author continues
On the contrary,. . .by her supplications she rather encouraged them to death for religion's sake. Mother, soldier of God through religion, Elder, woman! By your constancy you have vanquished even the tyrant; and by your deeds and your words discovered yourself more stalwart than a man. For when you were seized, along with your children, you stood firm, as you watched Eleazar undergoing torture; and you said to your children--speaking in Hebrew: "My sons, noble is the contest; and since you are summoned to it in order to bear testimony for your nation, strive zealously on behalf of the Law of our fathers. `Twere shame indeed that this old man should endure agonies for the sake of religion, and you who are young should be terrified of torments. Remember that it is because of God that you have a share in the [] world, and have enjoyed life:. . . (4 Macc 16:13-18, tr. in Hadas, 1953:229, 231)And, the author tells us, "With these words the mother of the seven encouraged each of her
sons, and bade them die rather than transgress the commandment of God;" (4 Macc 16:24, tr.
in Hadas, 1953:231, emphasis mine.) Thus, implicitly, the mother spoke to each of her sons
before his martyrdom. It seems that all of the activity of the mother is collected in one place in
In the end, Chapter 18, the author of 4 Macc relents, and when all need to supply details
of time and place is gone with the end of the story, tells us that Antiochus could not force the
people of Jerusalem to change, and so he left Jerusalem and marched against the
Still, that final sense of the place of these events does not give us the provenance of the
book. The absence of detail might be taken to suggest either that the author reshaped 4
Macc from another source or that the author lived in the Diaspora and knew nothing of
Jerusalem--or perhaps both. However, there is simply no information available to us on this
point. There is comparative information, however, that suggests that the lack of detail about
place is a feature of "evolved literature," i.e. the Epistle of Barnabas, which used previous
literature, at a minimum, in the "two ways" section (Kraft, 1965: 1-12). That is, we might
expect that 4 Macc lacks detail about the place of action because it is an adaptation of an
earlier account, and the details have dropped out or been modified.
Nineteenth-century writers such as Grimm and Gfrörer supposed the origin to be
Alexandria, since so much else of the literature of Hellenistic Judaism came from there
(Hadas, 1953:110 and n. 39). In addition, the philosophical ideas which 4 Macc shares with
Philo support an argument for Alexandrian provenance. According to Hugh Anderson, 4 Macc
can be characterized as having the following features:
The author is acquainted with neo-Platonic, neo-Pythagorean, Stoic, and Philonic
philosophical principles. Especially does he share with Philo and the writer of the Wisdom of
Solomon a firm belief in the Greek doctrine of the immortality of the soul (9:22; 14:5-6; 16:13;
17:12; 18:23)....he purposely omits ...passages [from 2 Macc] which attest the resurrection of
the body (7:9, 11, 14, 22-23) (Anderson, Anchor Bible Dictionary, henceforth ABD, IV:453B). I
would add that resemblances to the Wisdom of Solomon, in shared imagery, philosophy and
linguistic features, suggest that both may stem from the same place. David Winston (ABD,
VI:123) and John J. Collins (1983: 182) both believe Wisdom of Solomon belongs to
Alexandria, and this makes it more difficult to rule out Alexandria.
On the other hand, Edouard Norden, in his 1923 book, Die Antike Kunstprosa,
classified the features of various Greek styles. He names one of these the Asianic style, and
cited 4 Macc as an example. Then because its stylistic features differ from other works
known to be from Alexandria, he rejects Alexandrian provenance for this style. Norden's
Asianic style has the noteworthy feature of a large number of compound words. A fondness
for compounds can be found in Ignatius of Antioch and in the Wisdom of Solomon, the latter
supposedly from Alexandria. Norden's very thin argument can be buttressed by the
observations of Thackeray and Swete that 4 Macc does not share the language of the
Septuagint--in the larger sense that I'll represent here with LXX/OG, following Kraft. That is,
though written in Greek, the language and style of 4 Macc depart considerably from the
"Alexandrian Greek" of the LXX/OG collection.
In addition, as Swete noted
The style of 4 Macc. abounds in false ornament and laboured periods. But on the whole it is "truly Greek," and approaches nearer than that of any other book in the Greek Bible to the models of Hellenic philosophy and rhetoric. It does not, however, resemble the style of Josephus [whom Eusebius (HE 3.10) designated as the author], and is more probably a product of Alexandrian Judaism during the century before the fall of Jerusalem. (Swete, 1900: 281; see also pp. 313f.)Swete similarly places the Wisdom of Solomon in Alexandria, by virtue of its use of the Greek
language. "No other book in the Greek Bible is so manifestly Alexandrian in tone and style,"
according to Swete (1900:268). Winston concurs that it is of Alexandrian provenance (ABD,
VI:120), based on the extensive discussion of Egypt in the last half of the book. I would
suggest that this no more gives provenance than does our mention of Jerusalem in 4 Macc,
since any mention of Egypt may be reference to the Exodus, and an extended description
may accompany a celebration of Passover. In any case the arguments both for and against
Alexandrian provenance rest on stylistic and literary features.
Antioch has been suggested as the provenance of 4 Macc. The extensive work of André
Dupont- Sommer (1939) established the historical case in detail. He argued that the Christian
cult of Maccabean martyrs located at Antioch was founded upon a Jewish cult of the heroes,
that had maintained the actual tomb and relics of the martyrs. Their appropriation by
Christians was noted by Augustine, in North Africa, and the very notation presupposes that the
relics had previously -- previously to 363-385 C.E. -- been held by Jews. Moses Hadas,
discussing the date of 4 Macc, added the early association of Antioch with the actions of
Petronius, who received the unwelcome word from Gaius Caligula (37-41 c.e.) that it was his
task to place the Emperor's statue in the Temple at Jerusalem (Hadas, 1953:96). The train of
events, and the sizable body of Jews who non-violently seek martyrdom rather than see the
Temple desecrated, is attested in both Philo (Ad Gaium 185-190) and Josephus (Ant 18.262-
Dating 4 Macc at this time of the Roman Period, between 20 - 54 c.e., as Hadas does
(1953:96), solves our provenance problem in one way, because at that time the Roman
administrative unit was Syria or Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, and Cilicia, Cilicia being in the
southeast corner of Asia Minor, adjacent to Antioch.
In 1945, in the process of establishing the date of 4 Macc, Bickerman noted in passing
that later times saw a synagogue of the martyrs in Bochara, as well as bodily remains in
Antioch, Constantinople, Rome, and Cologne.
Writing more recently, with review articles in both Charlesworth's Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha (1985) (OTP, II:531543) and the Anchor Bible Dictionary (ABD, IV:452-4),
Hugh Anderson reprises Norden's sense of the Asianic style of 4 Macc, though he notes in
his OTP review that people--and therefore their writing styles--travel and cannot be clearly
We are left to decide among four possible locations--for I would not now exclude Judea
so readily as non-Greek--Alexandria, Judea, Syria and Asia Minor.
This suggests to me that we have what scientific method calls a null hypothesis -- the
hypothesis that there is no detectible difference between Alexandria, Judea, Antioch, and
Asia Minor on any "measure" of provenance. There is also no "measure" of provenance that
is common to the four locations in the material I have reviewed--that is, style is hard to
localize, and may tend to favor Asia Minor over Alexandria, without a clearcut way of
confirming the assessment. The amassing of later historical detail establishing a cult of
martyrs at Antioch may give a firmer sense of location, but begins about 200 years after we
think 4 Macc was written. In this situation, I'd suggest, we need to rethink the problem.
Scientific methods proceed by disconfirming the null hypothesis of no difference -- in our case
this is an hypothesis of no difference between locations. This disconfirmation of the null
hypothesis of no difference requires, though, that we apply the same measure, defined in the
same way, to all four locations. What measure is available that is commensurate with all four
locations? I would submit, in not very much detail at this point, that we can develop a measure
called "response to persecution." This involves making objective determinations on those
martyrdoms and some apocalyptic materials that do have a strong sense of place.
Developing such a measure resembles the sort of decision-tree that Jonathan Z. Smith takes
us through in his essay "Fences and Neighbors: Some Contours of Early Judaism," found in
Imagining Religion (1982). It is by assembling a series of judgments about a particular written
work that we amass information that can be treated statistically to make a determination
among places. Primary sources which speak of response to martyrdom would be read with
particular objective questions in mind, such as
treated to discriminate between locations.
-- That's one approach --
The second approach is to find more information about 4 Macc which recasts the
problem in a different shape. This would be possible with more information about the text of 4
Macc. Does more information about the text exist? The reviewers I've cited have themselves
cited the publication of the Syriac of 4 Macc, by Bensly, in 1895. They appear to be referring
to the translation of 4 Macc into Syriac. No one has yet noted that in this volume of Syriac
texts related to 4 Macc, there exists a form of the narrative of 4 Macc that echoes the
narrative details, though not the rhetorical flourishes, of 4 Macc.
Bensly's name is allied with that of Barnes, as the latter posthumously published Bensly's
collection of Syriac documents describing the Passion of the Maccabean Martyrs. Among the
documents in this collection now termed Bensly-Barnes, is an undated Syriac "memra" or
`word,' -- or `homily'--by an unknown hand. It is a poem which appears to be set loosely in
trimeter with rhymed endings, which names the mother of 7 sons as Shamuni, and provides for
her a speech to strengthen each son before his torture (Bensly-Barnes, 1895: xlviii- lxxii)
Although this book, termed Bensly-Barnes, is cited in much of the later work I've reviewed, I
need to point out that one source, Hadas, reproduces an error found in an earlier source,
Dupont-Sommer, in characterizing the book. Therefore we cannot be confident that either of
them examined Bensly's work in detail. Otherwise, the articles reviewed have commented on
the comparison of the Peshitta translation with the Greek text of 4 Maccabees, and
overlooked the additional pieces in Syriac on what looks to be the thematic material of 4
Maccabees. This is in spite of the addition by Barnes of footnotes indicating that the text of
the anonymous memra corresponds to 4 Maccabees in 38 places. These notes, however,
seem to isolate a line here and a line there as directly comparable, rather than making plain
the exact duplication of details of the torture narratives throughout large sections. The
appendix to this paper shows the overall similarity of the central narrative section.
A group of comparisons favor the dating of this central section, witnessed by both texts,
prior to or contemporary with the usual dating of 4 Macc, specifically
4 Macc narrator puts the mother's speeches at the end of the book, but
that she earlier spoke to her sons as a group, as we saw above, and also strengthened
each one individually. This is the existing sequence of the Syriac version. Appendix 1
outlines the difference in sequence and similarity in statement of the two recensions.
Syriac lacks the elaborate rhetoric and praise of pious reason of 4th Macc,
provides the literary and conceptual framework for 4th Macc. In turn 4 Macc lacks the
pious hymns to each of the martyrs, which provides a minimally Christian veneer to the
narrative of the martyrs who died for the sake of their Law and customs.
3) The simplicity in story presentation of the Syriac version tends to
argue for the
earliness of the preserved narrative section, though this feature cannot stand alone.
Syriac version of the central narrative agrees detail by detail with 4
Macc on the
order of the tortures, and both disagree with 2 Macc on this matter.
both the mother throws herself into the fire at the end, and dies. In 4
author adds the introductory words "Certain of the guards declared that when she too was
about to be seized and put to death, she flung herself into the fire, so that no one might
touch her body (4 Macc. 17:1, tr. in Hadas, 1953:222f)."
This seems to be a backhanded method of quotation of an earlier source, now that we
know another version exists. Such an allusion does not occur in the Syriac homily,
Some additional features of this Syriac homily suggest the possibility of an early date for
most of the work.
ideology of martyrdom expressed in the Syriac homily is highly antagonistic
the oppressor. It seems to be prior to Luke's words given to Jesus on the Cross, "Father,
forgive them, for they know not what they do," (Luke 23.34--only) or Stephen's "Lord, do
not hold this sin against them (Acts 7.60)," or the story later told of Hananiah ben Teradion,
a rabbinic martyr in the early second century, who invited his executioner to be with him
in the life of the world to come that very day. Tabor's ABD article on "Martyrs" cites
b.Avod.Zar 18) (ABD, IV:578). That is, both Jewish and Christian expressions of
martyrdom between ca. 100 c.e. to the private papers of Joan of Arc lack the vengeful tone
that is present in this Syriac version. The scorn and portrayal of retribution resemble the
tone found in the sectarian literature of the Dead Sea Scrolls. This indicates that the style
of the central narrative in the Syriac version reflects an early text. Notably, the hymns to
each martyr, which have a different rhyme scheme, are milder than the torture narratives. It
is these paeans or hymns, along with an introduction, which carry the Christian references.
The central narrative has no references at all which can be understood as exclusively
Christian in character.
In contrast to the mild tone of the hymns, the Maccabean martyrs of the Syriac homily
are triumphantly angry at their torturers, and at Antiochus Epiphanes, and repeatedly
contrast their expectation of heaven with their tormentors' eternal writhings in hellfire. This
antagonism to the oppressor also exists, in diminished force, in 4 Macc.
The ideology of martyrdom of Shamuni and her seven sons, though not endorsed
the priest Eleazar, expresses the expectation of immediate resurrection which we know
from Daniel, 2 Macc, and Testament of Moses (OTP, I:919-934), among others. An
overview of the development of the ideology of resurrection is available in Tabor (Droge &
The ideology of 4 Maccabees expresses the sense that martyrdom is a magical act; by
enduring to the end, God guarantees the martyr a place in heaven immediately. This
magical act prevents intense suffering in the world to come, while waiting for the final
judgment, or Day of the Lord. It also seems to prevent one's own sins being weighed.
There is a further interesting contrast with the (later?) development of the idea that it is most
noble to endure self-inflicted death, rather than permit oneself to be tortured. Jotapata and
Masada, as recorded by Josephus, are the examples given by Tabor (Droge & Tabor,
I would also suggest that this new old Syriac version of the story of Maccabean
martyrs, in combination with earlier material, will provide more historical-critical and
philological information about location. For example, in the Syriac version Eleazar scorns
food other than that of the holy sacrifices of the Temple, which his status as priest entitles
him to eat. This is a small indicator that the Temple in Jerusalem still exists. It is an additional
indicator that the scene is Jerusalem, and a detail that argues mildly against the Diaspora for
the origin of the central narrative of tortures.
Another example--both recensions use "incorruptibility"--Greek AFQARTW--in the
same place as fire, and a search of the TLG data base of inscriptions yields a stack of 5 or 6
non-monotheist inscriptions from Ephesus which speak of incorruptible fire. The prevalence
of the idea in later Christian theology, and its foundations, would be interesting to explore.
Nevertheless, there are some problems. The Syriac poem includes an introduction and
periodic hymns which are clearly set apart because they follow a different rhyme scheme.
These sections also express themselves in a devotional manner which is quite different from
the style of the martyrology itself. Similarly, the Greek version we call 4 Maccabees has a
long introduction and additional included material which carry the theme of praise for pious
In summary the problem of incommensurable types of information and a single source
has hampered previous attempts to assign provenance to 4 Macc. I have reviewed the
available evidence, without fully resolving the question at hand. However, I have suggested
two new ways in which research on this question might
proceed, to greater definition.
Content Rhyme Com Corresponds to Description Scheme Lines ment 4 Maccabees ============================================================================= In praise of pious reason -- 1.1 - 4.14 Epic introduction -na 1 18 -- Approach -ra 19 31 -- Adoration -ra 32 50 -- Central Narrative of Torture -ta 51 71 A 4.15- 4.16 end Central Narrative of Torture hue 72 78 B 5.1 - 5.4 Speech of Antiochus to Eleazar -ba 79- 82 (5.5 - 5.13) Speech of Eleazar to Antiochus -ia 83 105 (5.14- 5.38) Central Narrative of Torture -da 106 118 6.1 - 6.3 Additional acts by torturers -pa 119-123 6.4 - 6.15 Pious prayer of martyr -pa 124 132 (6.16- 6.23) Additional acts by torturers -- 6.24- 6.25 Pious prayer of martyr (continued) (6.26 -6.30) Hymn to "religious reason" -- 6.31- 6.36 Paean to Eleazar "Ah, priest..." -- 6.37- 7.15 Argument for "religious reason" -- 7.16- 8.1 Central Narrative of Torture -sha 133-144 8.2 - 8.5 Speech of Antiochus -sha 145-161 8.6 - 8.11 Central Narrative of Torture -qa 162-169 8.12- 8.13 Speech of Antiochus -qa 170-176 8.14- 8.15 Rhetoric "They might have replied" -- 8.16- 8.28 Speech of All the Sons -la 177-200 [ideology] 8.29- 9.9 Central Narrative of Torture -na 201-206 9.10- 9.11a Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 1 -na 207-211 [El Shaddai, ideology] Central Narrative of Torture -na 212-217 9.11b-9.13 Speech of Son No. 1 to Antiochus -na 218-225 9.14- 9.16 Dialogue with his tormentors -na 226-230 9.17- 9.18 Central Narrative of Torture -na 231-238 9.19- 9.21 Speech of Son No. 1 to his brothers -na 239-247 9.22- 9.25 Paean to Son No. 1 "O Gaddi" -i 248-260 [El Shaddai] --- Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 2 -ta 261-268 --- Central Narrative of Torture -ta 269-276 9.26- 9.28 Ecstatic commentary -ta 277-280 --- Speech of Son No. 2 to Antiochus -ta 281-291 9.29- 9.31 Paean to Son No. 2 "O Maccabai" -i 292-303 --- Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 3 -xa 304-314 [if you die, you live] Central Narrative of Torture -xa 315-317 10.1 -10.1 Speech of Son No. 3 to his torturers-xa 318-327 10.2 -10.4 Central Narrative of Torture -in 328-336 10.5 -10.8 Speech of Son No. 3 to Antiochus -in 337-343 10.9 -10.11 Paean to Son No. 3 "O Tharsai" -si 344-360 [Jesus the Adamantine] Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 4 -na 361-374 --- Central Narrative of Torture -na 375-379 10.12-10.13 Speech of Son No. 4 to his torturers-na 380-391 10.14-10.16 Central Narrative of Torture -ma 391-394 10.17-10.17 Speech of Son No. 4 to Antiochus -ma 395-400 10.18-10.21 Ecstatic commentary -ma 401-405 [Greek chorus?] Paean to Son No. 4 "O Hebron" -on 406-419 --- Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 5 -ia 420-431 [Spoke to him in Hebrew] Central Narrative of Torture -ia 432-433 11.1 -11.1 Speech of Son No. 5 to the judge -ia 434-446 "tyrant" 11.2 -11.8 Central Narrative of Torture -hi/hoo 447-453 11.9 -11.11 Speech of Son No. 5 to the tyrant " 454-458 11.12-11.12 Paean to Son No. 5 "O Hebhzon" -zon 459-475 --- Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 6 -ta 476-485 --- Central Narrative of Torture -ta 486-491 11.13-11.13 Speech of son to "unjust judge" -ta 492-501 "tyrant" 11.14-11.16 Central Narrative of Torture -in 502-511 11.17-11.19 Speech of Son No. 6 to wicked man -in 512-520 11.20-11.27 end Central Narrative of Torture -in 521-524 12.1a-12.1a Paean to Son No. 6 "O Bacchus" -os 525-540 --- "Josephus" interlude -os 541-546 [Stephen, Athanasius etc.] Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 7 -h 547-554 --- Central Narrative of Torture -h 555-560 12.1b-12.2 Speech of the king to Son No. 7 -h 561-568 "tyrant" 12.3 -12.5 Central Narrative of Torture -h 569-571 12.6 -12.7 Speech of Shamuni to Son No. 7 -h 572-576 [in Hebrew] <implied> Central Narrative of Torture -h 577-581 12.8 -12.10 Speech of Son No. 7 to king -lk 582-597 "tyrant" 12.11-12.18 Central Narrative of Torture -na 598-601 12.19-12.19 Paean to Son No. 7 "Jonadab" -b 602-613 --- Efficacy of pious reason proved --- 13.1 -13.7 Noble death of Shamuni -t 614-628 17.1 -17.1 Paean to Shamuni -ni 629-641 --- Hymn "O mother with seven sons" --- 17.2 -17.6 ==>Ending, material only in Greek --- 17.7- 18.24 Non-parallel interlude [see below] --- 13.18-16.13 Address to Shamuni -in 642-646] 16.14-16.15 Speech of Shamuni to her seven sons -in 647-661 [Hebrew] 16.16-16.20 Recalls Daniel & three cast in fire --- 16.21-16.23 Epic ending -ta 662-672 13.8 -13.13 Mastery comes from divine reason --- 13.14-13.15
Peroration enjoining `self-government'-ta 673-678 13.16-13.17 Each urges the other not to shame us --- 13.18-13.18 ==>Begin interlude Praise of brotherhood --- 13.19-14.1 Paean to Reason & Brotherhood --- 14.2 -14.16 Praise of the mother "even a woman,""like Abraham" 14.17-15.13 Hymn "O mother" --- 15.16-15.20 Value of devout reason to the mother --- 15.21-15.28 Hymn "O mother of the nation, champion of the Law" 15.29-15.32 end "If a woman..." proves value of devout reason 16.1 -16.4 She could have said, instead -reversal --- 16.5 -16.11 Yet she actually did as we've seen --- 16.12-16.13 Hymn "Mother, soldier of God..., Elder, woman" ==> see parallels above =============================================================================
ABD = The Anchor Bible Dictionary (1992) Ed. D.N. Freedman, inter alia. New York: Doubleday, IV:574-579. Anderson, Hugh (1985) "4 Maccabees (First Century A. D.): A New Translation and Introduction," in Charlesworth, Ed., The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha: Volume 2. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, pp. 531-563. --------------. "Maccabees, Books of. Fourth Maccabees," 4:452-454. Bensly, Robert Lubbock. The Fourth Book of Maccabees and Kindred Documents in Syriac, First Edited on Manuscript Authority. Posthumously introduced, with translations, by William Emery Barnes. Cambridge: University Press, 1895. [Bensly-Barnes]
This volume contains a "Mêmra by an unknown hand," pp. xlviii-lxxii (English--Barnes) and corresponding M)MR) D(L MQBY), the Syriac text, from three mss. as critically edited and prepared for printing by Bensly and published by Barnes, with one ms. identified by Barnes as Bodleian Or. 624 (=134 of Payne Smith's Catalogue).Bickerman, Elias (1976, 1945) "The Date of Fourth Maccabees," in Studies in Jewish and
--------, (1997) The Maccabean Martyrs as Saviours
of the Jewish People: A Study of 2
and 4 Maccabees. Supplements to the JSJ, 57. Leiden: Brill
--------, Ed. (1989) Die Entstehung der jüdischen Martyrologie. Studia Post-Biblica, no. 38. Leiden: Brill.
Jonge, Marinus de (1991) "VI. Jesus' Death for Others
and the Death of the Maccabean Martyrs," in Jewish Eschatology, Early
Christian Christology and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs: Collected
Essays of Marinus de Jonge. Leiden: Brill, pp. 125-134.
Klein, Michael L. (1986) Genizah Manuscripts of Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch. Volume 1: Texts. Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College Press.
Tabor, James D. (1992) "Martyr, Martyrdom", ABD.
Zeitlin, Solomon (1922) MEGILLAT TAANIT as a Source for Jewish Chronology and History in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods. Philadelphia.