History and Historiography in Early
Judaism and Early Christianity, with special focus on Josephus and
Eusebius
Religious Studies 735, Spring 2007, Robert Kraft [updated 13fe2007]
QuickLinks:
The main sources for postbiblical Jewish history and for early
Christian history are, respectively, Josephus (first century CE; Jewish War and Antiquities of the Jews) and
Eusebius (fourth century CE; Ecclesiastical
History). The goal of this seminar is to attempt to understand
these authors in their respective contexts with special attention to
how and why they constructed and presented their historical works, and
how we can test their presentations for historical credibility. Neither
author worked in a vacuum, so we will also spend some time exploring
available sources and trends in the Greco-Roman Jewish world of
Josephus as well as in the eastern Mediterranean Christian world of
Eusebius two centuries later. While knowledge of Greek and/or Latin
will be helpful,
the texts will be discussed in class in English.
Working definition of "historiography": The study of how those who attempted to record information about the past went about their tasks.
Ancient sources:
Some basic tools for research:
Suggested basic weekly readings (tentative guidelines):
Some recent bibliography:
Some key "intentionality" texts :
[1] Had previous chroniclers (τοῖς πρὸ ἡμῶν ἀναγράφουσι τὰς
πράξεις) neglected to
speak in praise of History in general (ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τῆς ἱστορίας), it might perhaps have been
necessary for me to recommend everyone to choose for study and welcome
such treatises as the present, since men have no more ready corrective
of conduct than knowledge of the past (τῆς τῶν προγεγενημένων πράξεων ἐπιστήμης).
[2] But all historians, one may say without exception, and in no
half-hearted manner, but making this the beginning and end of their
labour, have impressed on us that the soundest education and training
for a life of active politics is the study of History (πρὸς τὰς πολιτικὰς πράξεις τὴν ἐκ τῆς
ἱστορίας μάθησιν), and that surest and indeed the only method of
learning how to bear bravely the vicissitudes of fortune, is to recall
the calamities of others. [3] Evidently therefore no one, and
least of all myself, would think it his duty at this day to repeat what
has been so well and so often said. [4] For the very element of
unexpectedness in the events I have chosen as my theme will be
sufficient to challenge and incite everyone, young and old alike, to
peruse my systematic history (πρὸς τὴν ἔντευξιν τῆς πραγματείας).
[5] For who is so worthless or indolent as not to wish to know by
what means and under what system of polity the Romans in less than
fifty-three years [220-168 BCE] have succeeded in subjecting nearly the
whole inhabited world to their sole government — a thing unique in
history? [6] Or who again is there so passionately devoted to
other spectacles or studies as to regard anything as of greater moment
than the acquisition of this knowledge? ...
The date from which I propose to begin my history is the 140th Olympiad
[220 - 216 B.C.], and the events are the following: (1) in Greece the
so‑called Social War, the first waged against the Aetolians by the
Achaeans in league with and under the leadership of Philip of Macedon,
the son of Demetrius and father of Perseus, (2) in Asia the war for
Coele-Syria between Antiochus and Ptolemy Philopator, (3) in Italy,
Libya, and the adjacent regions, the war between Rome and Carthage,
usually known as the Hannibalic War. These events immediately succeed
those related at the end of the work of Aratus of Sicyon. Previously
the doings of the world had been, so to say, dispersed, as they were
held together by no unity of initiative, results, or locality; but ever
since this date history has been an organic whole, and the affairs of
Italy and Libya have been interlinked with those of Greece and Asia,
all leading up to one end. And this is my reason for beginning their
systematic history from that date.
For what gives my work its peculiar quality, and what is most
remarkable in the present age, is this. Fortune has guided almost all
the affairs of the world in one direction and has forced them to
incline towards one and the same end; a historian should likewise bring
before his readers under one synoptical view the operations by which
she has accomplished her general purpose.
I observe that while several modern writers deal with particular wars
and certain matters connected with them, no one, as far as I am aware,
has even attempted to inquire critically when and whence the general
and comprehensive scheme of events originated and how it led up to the
end. I therefore thought it quite necessary not to leave unnoticed or
allow to pass into oblivion this the finest and most beneficent of the
performances of Fortune. For though she is ever producing something new
and ever playing a part in the lives of men, she has not in a single
instance ever accomplished such a work, ever achieved such a triumph,
as in our own times. We can no more hope to perceive this from
histories dealing with particular events than to get at once a notion
of the form of the whole world, its disposition and order, by visiting,
each in turn, the most famous cities, or indeed by looking at separate
plans of each: a result by no means likely. He indeed who believes that
by studying isolated histories he can acquire a fairly just view of
history as a whole, is, as it seems to me, much in the case of one,
who, after having looked at the dissevered limbs of an animal once
alive and beautiful, fancies he has been as good as an eyewitness of
the creature itself in all its action and grace.
We can get some idea of a whole from a part, but never knowledge or
exact opinion. Special histories therefore contribute very little to
the knowledge of the whole and conviction of its truth. It is only
indeed by study of the interconnexion of all the particulars, their
resemblances and differences, that we are enabled at least to make a
general survey, and thus derive both benefit and pleasure from history.
[1.14] An equally powerful motive with me for paying particular
attention to this war is that, to my mind, the truth has not been
adequately stated by those historians who are reputed to be the best
authorities on it, Philinus and Fabius. [2] I do not indeed
accuse them on intentional falsehood, in view of their character and
principles, but they seem to me to have been much in the case of
lovers; [3] for owing to his convictions and constant partiality
Philinus will have it that the Carthaginians in every case acted
wisely, well, and bravely, and the Romans otherwise, whilst Fabius
takes the precisely opposite view. [4] In other relations of life
we should not perhaps exclude all such favouritism; for a good man
should love his friends and his country, he should share the hatreds
and attachments of his friends; [5] but he who assumes the
character of a historian must ignore everything of the sort, and often,
if their actions demand this, speak good of his enemies and honour them
with the highest praises while criticizing and even reproaching roundly
his closest friends, should the errors of their conduct impose this
duty on him. [6] For just as a living creature which has lost its
eyesight is wholly incapacitated, so if History is stripped of her
truth all that is left is but an idle tale. [7] We should
therefore not shrink from accusing our friends or praising our enemies;
nor need we be shy of sometimes praising and sometimes blaming the same
people, since it is neither possible that men in the actual business of
life should always be in the right, nor is it probable that they should
be always mistaken. [8] We must therefore disregard the actors in
our narrative and apply to the actions such terms and such criticism
[9] as they deserve.
[13.4] In my opinion Nature has proclaimed to men that Truth is the
greatest of gods and has invested her with the greatest power.
[5] At least when all are trying to suppress her and all
probabilities are on the side of falsehood, she somehow finds her own
means of penetrating into the hearts of men and sometimes shows her
power at once, sometimes after being darkened for years at last by her
own force prevails and crushes falsehood, as happened in the case of
Heracleides, King Philip's messenger to Rhodes. . . .
[16.14.6]
Now I would admit that authors should have a partiality for their
own country but they should not make statements about it that are
contrary to facts. [7] Surely the mistakes of which we writers are
guilty and which it is difficult for us, being but human, to avoid are
quite sufficient; [8] but if we make deliberate misstatements in
the interest of our country or of friends or for favour, what
difference is there between us and those who gain their living by their
pens? [9] For just as the latter, weighing everything by the
standard of profit, make their works unreliable, so politicians, biased
by their dislikes and affections, often achieve the same result.
[10] Therefore I would add that readers should carefully look
out for this fault and authors themselves be on their guard against it.
[Pref. {3} 7-8] It is true, these writers have the confidence to call their accounts histories (ἱστορίας αὐτὰς ἐπιγράφειν τολμῶσιν); wherein yet they seem to me to fail of their own purpose, as well as to relate nothing that is sound (μηδὲν ὑγιὲς). For they have a mind to demonstrate the greatness of the Romans, while they still diminish and lessen the actions of the Jews (καταβάλλουσιν δὲ ἀεὶ τὰ Ἰουδαίων καὶ ταπεινοῦσιν), as not discerning how it cannot be that those must appear to be great who have only conquered those that were little. Nor are they ashamed to overlook the length of the war, the multitude of the Roman forces who so greatly suffered in it, or the might of the commanders, whose great labors about Jerusalem will be deemed inglorious, if what they achieved be reckoned but a small matter.
[Pref. {4} 9-12] However, I will not go to the other extreme, out of opposition to those men who extol the Romans nor will I determine to raise the actions of my countrymen too high; but I will prosecute the actions of both parties with accuracy (ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἔργα μετ’ ἀκριβείας ἀμφοτέρων διέξειμι). Yet shall I suit my language to the passions I am under, as to the affairs I describe, and must be allowed to indulge some lamentations upon the miseries undergone by my own country (ταῖς τῆς πατρίδος συμφοραῖς). For that it was a seditious temper of our own (αὐτὴν στάσις) that destroyed it, and that they were the tyrants among the Jews (οἱ Ἰουδαίων τύραννοι) who brought the Roman power upon us, who unwillingly attacked us, and occasioned the burning of our holy temple, Titus Caesar, who destroyed it, is himself a witness, who, daring the entire war, pitied the people who were kept under by the seditious (ὑπὸ τῶν στασιαστῶν φρουρούμενον), and did often voluntarily delay the taking of the city, and allowed time to the siege, in order to let the authors have opportunity for repentance (εἰς μετάνοιαν τῶν αἰτίων). But if any one makes an unjust accusation against us, when we speak so passionately about the tyrants, or the robbers (πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἢ τὸ λῃστρικὸν), or sorely bewail the misfortunes of our country, let him indulge my affections herein, though it be contrary to the rules for writing history (παρὰ τὸν τῆς ἱστορίας νόμον); because it had so come to pass, that our city Jerusalem had arrived at a higher degree of felicity (εὐδαιμονίας) than any other city under the Roman government, and yet at last fell into the sorest of calamities again. Accordingly, it appears to me that the misfortunes of all men, from the beginning of the world, if they be compared to these of the Jews are not so considerable as they were; while the authors of them were not foreigners either. This makes it impossible for me to contain my lamentations. But if any one be inflexible in his censures of me, let him attribute the facts themselves to the historical part (τὰ μὲν πράγματα τῇ ἱστορίᾳ προσκρινέτω), and the lamentations to the writer himself only.
[Pref. {5}13-16] However, I may justly blame the learned men among the Greeks (τοῖς Ἑλλήνων λογίοις), who, when such great actions have been done in their own times, which, upon the comparison, quite eclipse the old wars, do yet sit as judges of those affairs, and pass bitter censures upon the labors of the best writers of antiquity (τοῖς φιλοτιμουμένοις); which moderns, although they may be superior to the old writers in eloquence, yet are they inferior to them in the execution of what they intended to do (ὧν εἰ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ πλεονεκτοῦσι, λείπονται τῇ προαιρέσει). While these also write new histories about the Assyrians and Medes, as if the ancient writers had not described their affairs as they ought to have done; although these be as far inferior to them in abilities as they are different in their notions from them. For of old every one took upon them to write what happened in his own time; where their immediate concern in the actions made their promises of value; and where it must be reproachful to write lies, when they must be known by the readers to be such. But then, an undertaking to preserve the memory Of what has not been before recorded, and to represent the affairs of one's own time to those that come afterwards, is really worthy of praise and commendation. Now he is to be esteemed to have taken good pains in earnest, not who does no more than change the disposition and order of other men's works, but he who not only relates what had not been related before, but composes an entire body of history of his own (τὸ σῶμα τῆς ἱστορίας κατασκευάζων ἴδιον): accordingly, I have been at great charges, and have taken very great pains [about this history], though I be a foreigner (ἀλλόφυλος ὢν); and do dedicate this work, as a memorial of great actions, both to the Greeks and to the Barbarians [sic!] ( Ἕλλησί τε καὶ Ῥωμαίοις). But for some of our own principal men, their mouths are wide open, and their tongues loosed presently, for gain and law-suits, but quite muzzled up when they are to write history (πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἱστορίαν), where they must speak truth and gather facts together with a great deal of pains (ἔνθα χρὴ τἀληθῆ λέγειν καὶ μετὰ πολλοῦ πόνου τὰ πράγματα συλλέγειν); and so they leave the writing such histories to weaker people, and to such as are not acquainted with the actions of princes (πεφίμωνται παρέντες τοῖς ἀσθενεστέροις καὶ μηδὲ γινώσκουσι τὰς πράξεις τῶν ἡγεμόνων γράφειν). Yet shall the real truth of historical facts (τὸ τῆς ἱστορίας ἀληθές) be preferred by us, how much soever it be neglected among the Greek historians.
[Pref. {6} 17-18]
To write concerning the Antiquities of the Jews (Ἀρχαιολογεῖν μὲν δὴ τὰ Ἰουδαίων), who
they were [originally], and how they revolted from the Egyptians, and
what country they traveled over, and what countries they seized upon
afterward, and how they were removed out of them, I think this not to
be a fit opportunity, and, on other accounts, also superfluous; and
this because many Jews before me have composed the histories of our
ancestors very exactly; as have some of the Greeks done it also, and
have translated our histories into their own tongue, and have not much
mistaken the truth in their histories (ἐπειδήπερ καὶ Ἰουδαίων πολλοὶ πρὸ ἐμοῦ τὰ τῶν προγόνων
συνετάξαντο μετ’ ἀκριβείας καί τινες Ἑλλήνων
ἐκεῖνα τῇ πατρίῳ φωνῇ μεταβαλόντες οὐ πολὺ τῆς ἀληθείας διήμαρτον). But then, where the
writers of these affairs and our prophets leave off, thence shall I
take my rise, and begin my history (ὅπου δ’ οἵ τε τούτων συγγραφεῖς ἐπαύσαντο
καὶ οἱ ἡμέτεροι
προφῆται, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκεῖθεν ποιήσομαι τῆς συντάξεως). Now as to
what concerns that war which happened in my own time, I will go over it
very largely, and with all the diligence I am able; but for what
preceded mine own age, that I shall run over briefly [starting with
Antiochus IV Epiphanes]. ...
[Pref. {12} 30] I have comprehended all these things in seven books,
and have left no occasion for complaint or accusation to such as have
been acquainted with this war; and I have written it down for the sake
of those that love truth, but not for those that please themselves (τοῖς γε τὴν ἀλήθειαν
ἀγαπῶσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ
πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνέγραψα) [with fictitious relations]. And I will
begin my account of these things with what I call my First Chapter (ποιήσομαι δὲ ταύτην τῆς ἐξηγήσεως ἀρχήν, ἣν καὶ
τῶν κεφαλαίων ἐποιησάμην).
[Pref. {1} 1-4] THOSE who undertake to write histories (Τοῖς τὰς ἱστορίας συγγράφειν βουλομένοις), do not, I perceive, take that trouble on one and the same account, but for many reasons, and those such as are very different one from another. [2] For some of them apply themselves to this part of learning to show their skill in composition, and that they may therein acquire a reputation for speaking finely: others of them there are, who write histories in order to gratify those that happen to be concerned in them, and on that account have spared no pains, but rather gone beyond their own abilities in the performance: [3] but others there are, who, of necessity and by force, are driven to write history, because they are concerned in the facts, and so cannot excuse themselves from committing them to writing, for the advantage of posterity; nay, there are not a few who are induced to draw their historical facts out of darkness into light, and to produce them for the benefit of the public, on account of the great importance of the facts themselves with which they have been concerned. [4] Now of these several reasons for writing history, I must profess the two last were my own reasons also (τούτων δὴ τῶν προειρημένων αἰτιῶν αἱ τελευταῖαι δύο κἀμοὶ συμβεβήκασι); for since I was myself interested in that war which we Jews had with the Romans, and knew myself its particular actions, and what conclusion it had, I was forced to give the history of it, because I saw that others perverted the truth of those actions in their writings (διὰ τοὺς ἐν τῷ γράφειν λυμαινομένους τὴν ἀλήθειαν).
[Pref. {2} 5-9] Now
I have undertaken the present work, as thinking it will appear to all
the Greeks worthy of their study; for it will contain all our
antiquities, and the constitution of our government, as interpreted out
of the Hebrew Scriptures. [6] And indeed I did formerly intend, when I
wrote of the war, to explain who the Jews originally were -- what
fortunes they had been subject to -- and by what legislature they had
been instructed in piety, and the exercise of other virtues -- what
wars also they had made in remote ages, till they were unwillingly
engaged in this last with the Romans: [7] but because this work would
take up a great compass, I separated it into a set treatise by itself,
with a beginning of its own, and its own conclusion; but in process of
time, as usually happens to such as undertake great things, I grew
weary and went on slowly, it being a large subject, and a difficult
thing to translate our history into a foreign, and to us unaccustomed
language. [8] However, some persons there were who desired to know our
history, and so exhorted me to go on with it; and, above all the rest,
Epaphroditus, a man who is a lover of all kind of learning, but is
principally delighted with the knowledge of history, and this on
account of his having been himself concerned in great affairs, and many
turns of fortune, and having shown a wonderful rigor of an excellent
nature, and an immovable virtuous resolution in them all. [9] I yielded
to this man's persuasions, who always excites such as have abilities in
what is useful and acceptable, to join their endeavors with his. I was
also ashamed myself to permit any laziness of disposition to have a
greater influence upon me, than the delight of taking pains in such
studies as were very useful: I thereupon stirred up myself, and went on
with my work more cheerfully. Besides the foregoing motives, I had
others which I greatly reflected on; and these were, that our
forefathers were willing to communicate such things to others; and that
some of the Greeks took considerable pains to know the affairs of our
nation.
[Pref. {3} 10-17] ... [12] Accordingly, I thought it became me both to
imitate the generosity of our high priest, and to suppose there might
even now be many lovers of learning like the king [Ptolemy II]; for he
did not obtain all our writings at that time; but those who were sent
to Alexandria as interpreters, gave him only the books of the law
[=LXX], [13] while there were a vast number of other matters in our
sacred books. They, indeed, contain in them the history of five
thousand years. ... [17] As I proceed, therefore, I shall accurately
describe what is contained in our records, in the order of time that
belongs to them; for I have already promised so to do throughout this
undertaking; and this without adding any thing to what is therein
contained, or taking away any thing therefrom.
[Pref. {4} 18-26] ... [24] I exhort, therefore, my readers to examine
this whole undertaking in that view; for thereby it will appear to
them, that there is nothing therein disagreeable either to the majesty
of God, or to his love to mankind; for all things have here a reference
to the nature of the universe; while our legislator speaks some things
wisely, but enigmatically, and others under a decent allegory, but
still explains such things as required a direct explication plainly and
expressly. [25] However, those that have a mind to know the reasons of
every thing, may find here a very curious philosophical theory, which I
now indeed shall wave the explication of; but if God afford me time for
it, I will set about writing it after I have finished the present work.
[26] I shall now betake myself to the history before me, after I have
first mentioned what Moses says of the creation of the world, which I
find described in the sacred books after the manner following.
Joesphus,
Life 1 --
[1] THE family from which I am derived is not an ignoble one, but hath
descended all along from the priests; and as nobility among several
people is of a different origin, so with us to be of the sacerdotal
dignity, is an indication of the splendor of a family. [2]Now, I am not
only sprung from a sacerdotal family in general, but from the first of
the twenty-four courses; and as among us there is not only a
considerable difference between one family of each course and another,
I am of the chief family of that first course also; nay, further, by my
mother I am of the royal blood; for the children of Asamoneus, from
whom that family was derived, had both the office of the high
priesthood, and the dignity of a king, for a long time together. ...
[{76} 430] And this is the account of the actions of my whole life; and
let others judge of my character by them as they please. But to you, O
Epaphroditus, most excellent of men! do I dedicate all this treatise of
our Antiquities; and so, for the present, I here conclude the
whole.
[1.1] It is my purpose to write an account of the successions of the holy apostles, as well as of the times which have elapsed from the days of our Saviour to our own; and to relate the many important events which are said to have occurred in the history of the Church; and to mention those who have governed and presided over the Church in the most prominent parishes, and those who in each generation have proclaimed the divine word either orally or in writing.
[1.2] It is my purpose also to give the names and number and times of those who through love of innovation have run into the greatest errors, and, proclaiming themselves discoverers of knowledge falsely so-called have like fierce wolves unmercifully devastated the flock of Christ.
[1.3] It is my intention, moreover, to recount the misfortunes which immediately came upon the whole Jewish nation in consequence of their plots against our Saviour, and to record the ways and the times in which the divine word has been attacked by the Gentiles, and to describe the character of those who at various periods have contended for it in the face of blood and of tortures, as well as the confessions which have been made in our own days, and finally the gracious and kindly succor which our Saviour has afforded them all. Since I propose to write of all these things I shall commence my work with the beginning of the dispensation of our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ.
[1.4] But at the outset I must crave for my work the indulgence of the wise, for I confess that it is beyond my power to produce a perfect and complete history, and since I am the first to enter upon the subject, I am attempting to traverse as it were a lonely and untrodden path. I pray that I may have God as my guide and the power of the Lord as my aid, since I am unable to find even the bare footsteps of those who have traveled the way before me, except in brief fragments, in which some in one way, others in another, have transmitted to us particular accounts of the times in which they lived. From afar they raise their voices like torches, and they cry out, as from some lofty and conspicuous watch-tower, admonishing us where to walk and how to direct the course of our work steadily and safely.
[1.5] Having gathered therefore from the matters mentioned here and there by them whatever we consider important for the present work, and having plucked like flowers from a meadow the appropriate passages from ancient writers, we shall endeavor to embody the whole in an historical narrative, content if we preserve the memory of the successions of the apostles of our Saviour; if not indeed of all, yet of the most renowned of them in those churches which are the most noted, and which even to the present time are held in honor.
1.6] This work seems to me of especial importance because I know of no ecclesiastical writer who has devoted himself to this subject; and I hope that it will appear most useful to those who are fond of historical research.
[1.7] I have already given an epitome of these things in the Chronological Canons which I have composed, but notwithstanding that, I have undertaken in the present work to write as full an account of them as I am able.
These promises, having been long ago laid up in divine oracles, have now shone forth upon our own age through the teaching of our Saviour Jesus Christ; so that the knowledge of God among all nations, which was both proclaimed of old and looked for by those who were not ignorant of these matters, is duly preached to us by the Word, who has lately come from heaven, and shows that the actual fulfilment corresponds with the voices of the men of old.
But why should we hasten on to anticipate in our eagerness the due order of intermediate arguments, when we ought to take up the subject from the beginning, and clear away all the objections? For some have supposed that Christianity has no reason to support it, but that those who desire the name confirm their opinion by an unreasoning faith and an assent without examination; and they assert that no one is able by clear demonstration to furnish evidence of the truth of the things promised, but that they require their converts to adhere to faith only, and therefore they are called 'the Faithful,' because of their uncritical and untested faith. With good reason therefore, in setting myself down to this treatise on the Demonstration of the Gospel, I think that I ought, as a preparation for the whole subject, to give brief explanations beforehand concerning the questions which may reasonably be put to us both by Greeks and by those of the Circumcision, and by every one who searches with exact inquiry into the opinions held among us.
For in this way I think my argument will proceed in due order to the more perfect teaching of the Demonstration of the Gospel, and to the understanding of our deeper doctrines, if my preparatory treatise should help as a guide, by occupying the place of elementary instruction and introduction, and suiting itself to our recent converts from among the heathen. But to those who have passed beyond this, and are already in a state prepared for the reception of the higher truths, the subsequent part will convey the exact knowledge of the most stringent proofs of God's mysterious dispensation in regard to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ.
Let us then begin
the Preparation by bringing forward the arguments which will
probably be used against us both by Greeks and by those of the
Circumcision, and by every one who searches with exact inquiry into the
opinions held among us.
[1.3] ... It is true that most of those before us have diligently
pursued many other modes of treatment, at one time by composing
refutations and contradictions of the arguments opposed to us, at
another time by interpreting p. the inspired and sacred Scriptures by
exegetical commentaries, and homilies on particular points, or again by
advocating our doctrines in a more controversial manner. The purpose,
however, which we have in hand is to be worked out in a way of our own.
...
Nevertheless all words are superfluous, when the works are more
manifest and plain than words ....the fulfilment of the prophecy must
in reason be more powerful than any word .... For who would not
acknowledge the truth of the prophecy, when the facts so manifestly all
but cry out ....
There are also countless other sayings and prophecies of our Saviour,
by collecting which in a special work, and showing that the actual
events agree with His divine foreknowledge, we prove beyond all
question the truth of our opinions concerning Him.
And in addition to all this, there is no small proof of the truth which we hold in the testimony of the Hebrew Scriptures, in which so vast a number of years beforehand the Hebrew prophets proclaimed the promise of blessings to all mortal life, and mentioned expressly the name of the Christ, and foretold His advent among men, and announced the novel manner of His teaching, which in its course has reached unto all nations. They predicted also the future unbelief in Him, and the gainsaying of the Jewish nation, and the deeds they wrought against Him, and the dismal fate which thereupon immediately and without delay overtook them: I mean the final siege of their royal metropolis, and the entire overthrow of the kingdom, and their own dispersion among all nations, and their bondage in the land of their enemies and adversaries, things which they are seen to have suffered after our Saviour's advent in accordance with the prophecies.
[1.4] ... How then
could any one, taking all these things together, refuse to admit that
our doctrine has brought to all men good tidings of very great and true
blessings, and has supplied to human life that which is of immediate
advantage towards happiness? For what thinkest thou of the fact that it
induced the whole human race, not only Greeks, but also the most savage
Barbarians and those who dwell in the utmost parts of the earth, to
refrain from their irrational brutality and adopt the opinions of a
wise philosophy?
[1.5] ... But why need I spend time in endeavouring to show that we
have not devoted ourselves to an unreasoning faith, but to wise and
profitable doctrines which contain the way of true religion? As the
present work is to be a complete treatise on this very subject, we
exhort and beseech those who are fitly qualified to follow
demonstrative arguments, that they give heed to sound sense, and
receive the proofs of our doctrines more reasonably, and 'be ready to
give an answer to every man that asketh us the reason of the hope that
is in us.' ...
And how can the reasonableness of our pursuing the study of the Jewish
Scriptures appear, unless their excellence also be proved? It will be
right also to state fully for what reason, though gladly accepting
their Scriptures, we decline to follow their mode of life: and, in
conclusion, to state what is our own account of the Gospel argument,
and what Christianity should properly be called, since it is neither
Hellenism nor Judaism, but a new and true kind of divine philosophy,
bringing evidence of its novelty from its very name.
First of all then let us carefully survey the most ancient theologies, and especially those of our own forefathers, celebrated even till now in every city, and the solemn decisions of noble philosophers concerning the constitution of the world and concerning the gods, that we may learn whether we did right or not in departing from them.
And in the clear
statement of what is to be proved I shall not set down my own words,
but those of the very persons who have taken the deepest interest in
the worship of those whom they call gods, that so the argument may
stand clear of all suspicion of being invented by us.
[1.6] ... First, therefore, let us inquire how those of whom we are
speaking [Greeks] have judged concerning the first creation of the
world; then consider their opinions about the first and most ancient
superstition found in human life; and, thirdly, the opinions of the
Phoenicians; fourthly, those of the Egyptians; after which, fifthly,
making a distinction in the opinions of the Greeks, we will first
examine their ancient and more mythical delusion, and then their more
serious and, as they say, more natural philosophy concerning the gods:
and after this we will travel over the account of their admired
oracles; after which we will also take a survey of the serious
doctrines of the noble philosophy of the Greeks. So, when these have
been thoroughly discussed, we will pass over to the doctrines of the
Hebrews -- I mean of the original and true Hebrews, and of those who
afterwards received the name Jews. And after all these we will add our
own doctrines as it were a seal set upon the whole. The history of all
these we must necessarily recall, that so by comparison of the
doctrines which have been admired in each country the test of the truth
may be exhibited, and it may become manifest to our readers from what
opinions we have departed, and what that truth is which we have chosen.
But now let us pass to the first point.
[15.preface] I THOUGHT it important in the beginning of the Preparation
for the Gospel to refute the polytheistic error of all the
nations, in order to commend and excuse our separation from them, which
we have made with good reason and judgement.
Therefore before
all else in the first three Books, I thoroughly examined not only the
fables concerning their gods which have been turned into ridicule by
their own theologians and poets, but also the solemn and secret
physical theories of these latter, which have been transported by their
grand philosophy high up to heaven and to the various parts of the
world; although their theologians themselves declared that there was no
need at all to talk gravely on these matters. ...Moreover, as to the
account of the renowned oracles, and the false opinion concerning fate
so celebrated among the multitude, these I laid bare by evidence as
clear as day in other three books [4-6] following next after the first
three; and for the proof against them I made use not only of my own
dialectic efforts, but also especially of the sayings of the Greek
philosophers themselves.
Passing on thence to the oracles of the Hebrews, I showed, in the same
number of books again [7-9], by what reasonings we accepted the
dogmatic theology contained in them, and the universal history taught
by them and confirmed by the testimony of the Greeks themselves.
Next in order I refuted the method of the Greeks, and clearly showed
how they had been helped in all things by Barbarians, and that they
bring forward no serious learning of their own, making also a
comparative table of the times in which the celebrated Greeks and the
Hebrew prophets lived [10]. Again in the next three books [11-13]I
showed the agreement of the best-esteemed philosophers of the Greeks
with the opinions of the Hebrews, and again made their own utterances
my witnesses.
Moreover in the book preceding this [14]I clearly detected those Greek philosophers who differ from our opinions as being at variance not with us only but also with their own countrymen, and as having been overthrown by their own disciples. Throughout all these discussions I show to my readers that the judgement of my own mind is impartial, and by the very facts and deeds, so to say, I have brought forward my proofs, that with no want of consideration, but with well-judged and sound reasoning, we have chosen the philosophy and religion of the Hebrews, which is both ancient and true, in preference to that of the Greeks, which result was also confirmed by the comparison of the statements of the Greeks.
As we have been deferring up to the present time our final discourse hereon, which is the fifteenth Book of the treatise in hand, we will now make up what is lacking to the discussions which we have travelled through, by still further dragging into light the solemn doctrines of the fine philosophy of the Greeks, and laying bare before the eyes of all the useless learning therein. And before all things we shall show that not from ignorance of the things which they admire, but from contempt of the unprofitable study therein we have cared very little for them, and devoted our own souls to the practice of things far better.
When therefore by God's help this book shall have received the seal of truth, my work on the Preparation shall here be brought to a close; and passing on to the more complete argument of the Demonstration of the Gospel, I shall connect the commencement of my second treatise with the consideration of the remaining charge brought against us.
[1.1]SEE now, Theodotus, miracle of bishops, holy man of God, I am carrying through this great work with the help of God and our Saviour the Word of God, after completing at the cost of great labour my Preparation for the Gospel in fifteen books.
Grant then, dear
friend, my request, and labour with rue henceforward in your prayers in
my effort to present the Proof of the Gospel from the prophecies extant
among the Hebrews from the earliest times. I propose to adopt this
method. I propose to use as witnesses those men, beloved by God, whose
fame you know to be far-spread in the world: Moses, I mean, and his
successors, who shone forth with resplendent godliness, and the blessed
prophets and sacred writers. I propose to shew, by quotations from
them, how they forestalled events that came to the light long ages
after their time, the actual circumstances of the Saviour's own
presentment of the Gospel, and the things which in our own day are
being fulfilled by the Holy Spirit before our very eyes.
[10.introduction] ... As then in what has gone before I have dealt with
what specially concerns His Divinity, so now in like manner I will shew
the human sufferings of the Lamb of God, since what occurred before His
Passion lies between the two, partaking both of the nature of His
Divinity and His Humanity.
[books 11-20 have not survived, except in some quotations !!]
Josephus'
claims about
sources in the Antiquities:
Some interesting "historical understanding" texts :