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In modern Tamil, especially in Spoken,
there are lexical verbs that no longer occur without an aspectual verb, i.e.
they have been relexicalized with the aspectual verb incorporated, as it were,
onto the stem. Since these combinations take place according to the usual
compounding or verbal concatenation process, the first element has to be in
the form of the AVP, and the second receives tense-marking and PNG.
LT verbs such as ´Ô kaa `wait' now occur almost
exclusively with (aspectual) Ø´Ô koo or aspectual Éç iru
attached, i.e ´Ô¢â¡Ø´Ô kaattukkoo or ´Ô¢»Õç kaattiru. In
such cases, the aspectual value of Ø´Ô koo is weakenedI would
prefer a better term than this but if we see aspect as a still-variable
category in Tamil, we have to place it on a continuum with two poles, and
variation in between. and the compound simply represents the relexicalized
form of the verb. Thus there can be a sort of `sliding scale' from lexical to
grammatical, with some combinations of main verb and Ø´Ô koo being
primarily lexical, with very little aspectual `meaning', but at the other end
of the scale the occurrence of Ø´Ô koo will be minimally lexical but
maximally aspectual.
This is also the case with the verb ´§ kal `learn' which now
occurs only with Ø´Ô koo or Éç iru attached: ´¢âØ´Ôõ´
kattukoonga `(please) learn (it)'. This contrasts semantically with
´§ kal with Éç iru attached: ´¢»Õç kattiru `be
learning'; the illocutionary force of this combination is sarcastic or
ironic, since »¾Õ° Íõ×´ ´¢»Õç¡´Öõ´ tami= to0pt.25ex
##= by .25ex
enge
katt-irukkiinga (which literally means `Where did you learn Tamil?') has the
illocutionary force of `Where (the hell) did you learn Tamil? (i.e., you don't
know Tamil.)' Use of Ø´Ô koo with some other verbs, as noted above,
also contrasts with non-use in an almost purely lexical way: ؽÔà
poodu `put, drop' means `put on' clothing, but ؽԥàØ´Ô poottu-koo implies the result of putting on, i.e. `wearing'.
SubsectionSummary Let us summarize some of what is known about Tamil aspect
as follows:
- There seems to be a category of aspect that must be recognized for Tamil
that involves a continuum of grammaticalization from none (i.e. pure lexical
or syntactic concatenation) to aspect as a full-fledged category.
- Most dialects (and LT) recognize a subset of
aspectual markers that are clearly aspectual, and have little or no overlap
with their lexical analogs. Indeed, the lexical verb can often be followed by
the corresponding aspectual verb.
- Most dialects also show a set of aspectual verbs that involve a
component of aspect, but also an attitudinal notion of some sort. This set
varies more from dialect to dialect, but nevertheless language-wide and even
family-wide features are shared. For example, Tamil ؽÔà poodu
`malicious intent' (lexically `put') has as its analog in Kannada the verb
haaku, which has the same aspectual and lexical meanings in Kannada,
even though the two verbs are quite different phonologically. This seems to
be a feature of the Indian linguistic area that has been noted for many
languages, i.e. the lexical-aspectual-attitudinal polarity will be found in
languages as different as Tamil and Bengali; one even notes some carry-over
into Indian English.
- Theories of syntax that require categorical rules, or fixed
grammaticality, cannot capture generalizations about aspect in these languages.
- In the case of the aspectual auxiliaries that are unambiguously
aspectual, we often find that they are phonologically different from their
lexical analogs, undergoing certain phonological rules that do not apply
to lexical verbs because the conditions for their application are not met
there. That is, these unambiguously aspectual verbs act like grammatical
morphemes, rather than separate verbs, and phonological rules that operate
across morpheme boundaries of concatenated verbs do not have the same
application when what is concatenated is a verb and a separate quasi-aspectual
verb.
Next: Pragmatic Considerations.
Up: Primarily aspectual verbs.
Previous: ؽÔà poodu `malicious
Vasu Renganathan
Sat Nov 2 21:16:08 EST 1996