SBL Presidential Address
(18 November 2006, Washington DC)
[14fe2007 html version with some adjustments from JBL proofs and subsequent updates: Note
that
the JBL version does not include note 1 as a note and combines another
early note, so that there is a discrepency of two note numbers through
most of the piece (e.g. n.48 = JBL n.46); updates subsequent to 14fe2007 are
marked in Green.]
[[images in PowerPoint for the
delivery,
and otherwise linked for web publication
(and extracted into footnotes,
where appropriate, for print publication]]
[[image
#1 (abstract)]]
[onscreen during introduction]
"Para-Mania: Beside, Before, and Beyond Bible Studies"1 [[image
#2 (title)]]
1 For the title, a strong nod goes to Samuel Sandmel's
1961 SBL presidential address "Parallelomania" (JBL 81 [1962]
1-13),
although for my purposes, the "para" and "mania" have a positive
valence. I considered several other titles: "Perambulating
the Perimeters/Parameters of Bible Studies," "Bumping along the
Biblical Byways: The Inbetween Worlds of Scriptural Studies," and
"Along the Margins of Scriptural Studies." Since one aim of the address
is to level the field between "canonical" and other types of ancient
literature, I will also plead presidential privilige in ignoring SBL
style which distinguishes canonical and similar references from
"classical" ones by separating chapter and verse with a colon, and does
not italicize the names of biblical books, and will use the simple full
stop punctuation, with italicized titles, for all such ancient
references. (I also simplify bibliographical information by ignoring
place of publication unless it is essential for identification of the
publisher.)
Abstract:
"Biblical" in the SBL sense is a broadly ambiguous designation that
encourages many of us to walk along the edges, as it were, of "Bible
Studies" proper. Finding suitable terminology for what we are trying to
do is difficult, but applying the Greek prefix "para" in various
contexts may be instructive and useful as a transitional device.
Journey with me into some of the worlds of "para-mania" for some
different perspectives on "biblical studies" -- parascriptural,
paratextual, parahistorical, paraliterary -- enroute to a more adequate
understanding of the challenges that confront our scholarly ambitions,
and the rewards to be gained....
Introduction:
When I was invited to be nominated as the 115th president of the
Society of
Biblical Literature2 I of course felt very honored, and was
not
reluctant to
accept, but I also felt a bit uncomfortable or unsure about the
appropriateness
of the choice. Normally the presidentship of SBL alternates between
"OT"
and "NT" scholars, and my immediate predecessor (Lyn Osiek) clearly
qualified for the latter category. Although I have done some work
on
Greek Jewish scriptures ("LXX/OG"),3 I can hardly be
considered an
"OT" person; indeed, I do not think of myself at all as a
"bible scholar" in a traditional sense, even though my career has
included investigations of traditionally biblical subjects such as [[image
#3 (MA thesis title page)]]
an MA
thesis
on the use of Jewish scriptures in the canonical Jesus traditions4
and
occasional excursions into specific NT exegetical problems -- was the
"Theophile" (in the vocative) to whom Luke-Acts is addressed a
woman?5
[[image
#4 (excursions titles)]] Did the
tradition
reflected in the NT book of Acts about Paul being called "Saul" (from
the tribe of Benjamin) originate with some of his opponents who
identified him
in an uncomplimentary manner with the Benjaminite king Saul of ancient Israel
notariety? Was Paul's identification with "Tarsus" due to a misunderstanding on
the
part of the author of Acts (or its sources) of Paul's occupational
affiliation
with the "Tarsian" guild of weavers in Judea?6
But those were unpublished exceptions, and along with some dabbling in
Dead Sea
Scroll studies7 and the aforementioned textcritical
interests
in [[image
#5 (IOSCS Bulletin)]] that
heterogeneous anthology
of old Greek translations that unfortunately has come to be known
simplistically as "the Septuagint," pretty much summed up my
qualifications to be considered as a "bible scholar," strictly
speaking.
2
Depending on how one counts: president Francis Brown served two
non-consecutive terms (1889-90, 1895-96), and I'm counting as single
terms the consecutive terms of Goodwin (1880-87; see further below),
Frederick Gardiner (1887-89), Talbot Wilson Chambers (1891-94), George
Foote Moore (1898-99), and Kirsopp Lake (1942-43); thus 113 persons
have
served 114 presidential terms (covering 125 years) before this.
3
For my online bibliography, see http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/cv.html#publications
5"To Her
Excellency, Theophile
(Luke 1.3, Acts 1.1)," read "by title" (i.e. there was no room for it
on the program) at the SBL Middle Atlantic Section Annual Meeting, 26
April 1964.
6
"PAULOS TARSEA (Παῦλος
Ταρσέα):
Misunderstood Traditions about Paul in the Book of Acts" (unpublished).
7
Collaborated with
Emanuel Tov and wrote the section on "Description of the Materials"
(pp.
14-19) in production of The Greek
Minor Prophets Scroll from Nahal Hever (8HevXIIgr) (Oxford:
Clarendon,
1990); "Pliny on Essenes, Pliny on Jews," Dead Sea Discoveries
8
(2001) [in honor of Emanuel Tov] 255-261.
A
little research into the history of the SBL
[[image #6 (book
cover)]] and its presidents,
however,
helped put to rest any misgivings I may have entertained.8
From
the
outset,
its founders chose to call it the society of "biblical"
literature (and exegesis), not of "bible" literature. And from the
outset, many of its representatives were, like me, travelers along the
margins
of bible studies proper. [[image
#7 (Goodwin et al.)]] The
very first
president, Daniel
Raynes Goodwin (1811-1890) began his stint while already a near
septuaginarian and held the post for seven years (1880-87); he had made
his
mark as a teacher and scholar, as well as an administrator and
churchman,
especially in the fields of philology and "intellectual and moral
philosophy," with some attention to NT translations and thought. [[image
#8 (Goodwin UPenn)]]
Interestingly,
he had served as provost at my home institution, the University of
Pennsylvania, from 1860-1868 before accepting the deanship of the
Protestant
Episcopal Philadelphia Divinity School, where he also taught until his
death in
1890.9
[[image
#9 (Bowdoin title page)]]
In an 1873
address to his alma mater, Bowdoin College, he presented his
concept of a
Christian liberal arts education as basic to the survival of
civilization --
All life is progressive;
the college must be progressive or die.... [[image
#10 (Goodwin quotation)]] If
there be any folly
greater than
the pretended antithesis of science and religion, it is that other
folly of the
antithesis of science and classical learning. Let both go on together,
each
helping instead of hindering the other. Let us propose no such
miserable
alternatives as learning or science, science or
religion; rather let our watchword and battle-cry be learning and
science, science and religion, "now and forever, one and
inseparable."10
8
Information
about
the history of the Society has been garnered especially from Ernest W.
Saunders, Searching
the Scriptures: A History of the Society of Biblical Literature,
1880-1980 (Chico CA: Scholars Press 1982). See also the
reviews (available on JSTOR) by Martin Marty (JBL 103
[1984] 85-88) and William R. Farmer (Church
History 53 [1984] 564-565), as well as the severe critique of the
SBL by Hector Avalos, "The
Ideology of the Society of Biblical Literature and the Demise of an
Academic Profession," on the 2006 SBL Forum
site (http://www.sbl-site.org/Article.aspx?ArticleId=520).
9 The
University of Pennsylvania Archives provide a brief
biography with a picture
(http://www.archives.upenn.edu/histy/people/1800s/goodwin_daniel_r.html).
A lengthy obituary (with bibliography) by
J. Vaughan Merrick can be found in the Proceedings
of the American Philological Society 38.134 (1890) 227-241 (now
available online through JSTOR).
10
Address
before the alumni of Bowdoin college, July 8, 1873
Brunswick ME: Joseph Griffin 1873) 23 and 29-30; online
(27se06) at
http://www.hti.umich.edu/cgi/t/text/text-idx?c=moa;idno=AGF7949.0001.001
.
The
issue of the relationship between "science," "religion,"
and "classical learning" became a recurring motif in SBL presidential
addresses [[image
#11
(Presidential Addresses)]]
and discussions.11
While
I do
not intend to revisit that
theme
directly here, it should become obvious that for me, learning
responsibly about
the ancient contexts from which derives what came to be "Bible" with
associated religious interests is, well, paramount.
11 E.g. Julian
Morgenstern's programmatic presidential
address in 1941 (
"The
Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis," JBL 61 [1942] 1-10),
when he saw the need for broadening the perspectives of "biblical
science." See also, among others, Frank Chamberlain Porter,
"The
Bearing of Historical Studies on the Religious Use of the Bible,"
HTR 2
(1909) 253-276; James A. Montgomery,
"Present
Tasks of American
Biblical Scholarship," JBL 38 (1919) 1-14; Henry J. Cadbury,
"Motives
of Biblical Scholarship," JBL 56 (1937) 1-16; Morton Scott Enslin,
"The
Future of Biblical Studies," JBL 65 (1946) 1-12.
While
Goodwin
can hardly be classified as primarily a "bible scholar," many of his
colleagues and successors [[image
#12 (early
Bible scholars)]] clearly were such -- Thayer, Bacon,
Harper,
Ropes, et
al. Yet we also encounter rather frequently in the SBL presidential
ranks
archaeologists and students of the ancient near east of various
shades,12 and
more occasionally those whose "bible studies" credentials are also
relatively secondary.13
Indeed, in 1894 [[image
#13 (joint meeting)]] --
also at the University of Pennsylvania -- the Society held its first
meeting
jointly with other humanistic groups with interests in "philology and
archaeology"
(including the "Spelling Reform Association"!) -- a practice that
fortunately still continues and hopefully will continue in one form or
another.14 [[image
#14 (applause?)]]
12
E.g., among others,
David G. Lyon [1910],
“On
the Archaeological Exploration of
Palestine,” JBL 30 (1911) 1-17; Albert T. Clay
[1920], “A
Recent Journey through Babylonia and Assyria” [unpublished in
JBL];
William Frederic
Badè [1930],
“Ceramics
and
History in Palestine,” JBL 50
(1931) 1-19; Elihu Grant [1935],
“The
Philistines,” JBL 55 (1936)
175-194,
not to mention the very
versatile William Foxwell Albright [1939],
"The
Ancient
Near East and the Religion of Israel,” JBL 59 (1940)
85-112.
13 E.g.
George Foote
Moore [1898-99], "Jewish Historical Literature" (mentioned in the
minutes from 1898,
JBL
18
[1899] iii) and "The Age of
the Jewish Canon of Hagiographa" (mentioned in the minutes
from 1899,
JBL
19 [1900] i);
Richard J. H. Gottheil
[1903],
"Some
Early Jewish Bible
Criticism,” JBL 22
(1904): 1-12; Robert M. Grant [1959],
“Two
Gnostic Gospels," JBL
79 (1960)
1-11, among
others.
14
According to Saunders (13), "the twenty-eighth meeting in 1894, held at
the University of Pennsylvania, was the initial attempt of the Society
to hold its meetings jointly with other societies dedicated to the
humanities. ... Billed as a 'Congress of American Philologists,' the
program provided for some common sessions involving the American
Oriental Society, American Philological Association, Modern Language
Association, American Dialect Society, Spelling Reform Association(!),
and the Archaeological Institute of America. ... In 1900 the University
of Pennsylvania again convened a 'Congress of Philological and
Archaeological Societies' made up of the same seven associations ...
and in 1918, joint meetings were held with the Archaeological Institute
of America and several other associations." SBL was active in the
founding of the ASOR in the late 1890s (Saunders 16), and the two
groups have frequently met jointly, as they still do. The American
Academy of Religion had its roots within SBL, beginning in 1909 as a
"conference of biblical instructors" (later the "National Association
of Biblical Instructors" which became the AAR in 1963). Except for
1966-1969, SBL and AAR have held joint annual meetings to the present
(see Saunders 24),
although this practice will be interrupted again in 2008 with the
next joint meeting planned for 2011.
If “biblical” means
focusing only or primarily on canonical scriptures -- that is, on "the
Bible" in whatever version (Jewish, Catholic, Protestant, independent)
--
I cannot claim to be a “biblical” scholar.
If, however, [[image
#15
("biblical")]] the
“-ical”
of “biblical” means
something like “similar to,” “along the lines of,” “defining itself in
relation
to,” then I’m not totally misplaced, nor are those of
you who
are similarly inclined. And as it turns out, both in terms of the
history of
SBL and of its current programs, I have little reason to be concerned
about being
marginal or marginalized. "Biblical" studies today, in the
contemporary SBL environment, teems with what I’m classifying as “para-scriptural”
interests in the broadest senses.15
15 For evidence, one need only
look at the lists of "groups," "seminars," and "consultations" in the
program book for this 2006 meeting (pp. 228-229).
[[image
#16 (overview)]] As
many
of you well know, "para"
is a good Greek preposition that serves various functions. It can mean
"beside," as in "paraklete" (one
called alongside to help, a lawyer or advocate) or "paratactic"
(organized in symmetry, like the successive points in an outline; ok, "parallel"
serves here as well), but it can also indicate "beyond" as the Oxford
English Dictionary entry states, perhaps extending backwards even
to the
sense of "before." Here is a summary version of the online OED entry
for "para":16 [[image
#17
(OED article)]]
‘analogous
or parallel to, but separate from or going beyond, what is denoted by
the root
word,’ with examples such as parafiscal, paragnosis, paraliturgical,
paraphysical, and even parareligious and parachurch.
We
might add paralegal, paramedic, paramilitary,
parapsychotic,
paranormal, and a host of others. The other day, a lurker on
an email
discussion list referred to himself as "parascholarly."
Check it out on google!17
16
Online OED ("draft
revision
June
2005"),
"para-,
prefix1"
-- the 1989 2nd edition has: "‘by
the side of, beside’, whence ‘alongside of, by, past, beyond’, etc."
17
Google.com shows several hits for "parascholarly" and for
"parascholar," with various senses.
Intriguing
is the
undeveloped entry in the OED for the prefix para as
"Forming
words with the sense ‘protection from [something or other].'" Maybe
that
can also apply to some of the uses I'm exploring here!
[[image
#18 (paradigm)]] A
useful
example
of a "para" word that functions in ways similar to my
use of it here is "paradigm" and its adjective "paradigmatic."
While the root idea is something "along side of" what is being
examined (δεικνυναι / deiknunai),
the result -- the paradigm or working
pattern
that is produced (thus resulting from, going beyond the examples) -- is
then
often used to identify and explore further instances (invoking the
paradigm
before examining possibly similar materials) but also to be refined and
corrected by those further instances in an ongoing reciprocal
relationship.18 [[image
#19 (para
possibilities/relationships)]]
18 Since 1962, the
term "paradigm shift" (a radical, if often gradually developed,
"revolution" in scientific theory to replace a basic viewpoint that has
proved to be inadequate) has received a great deal of attention as a
result of Thomas S. Kuhn's book,
The Structure of Scientific
Revolutions (University of Chicago Press, 1962, 19702,
19963). For a detailed discussion, critical of the wide
appropriation of the term in other fields , see
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paradigm_shift
[as of 6 Jan 2007]; on
various senses of "paradigm," http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paradigm
[same date], citing among others Margaret Masterman, "The Nature of a Paradigm," pp.
59-89 in Imre Lakatos and
Alan Musgrave. Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge (Cambridge
Univ. Press, 1970).
- Thus the
"scriptural" identifies, but also
finds its broader context in the "parascriptural,"
which much later
becomes the "parabiblical"
when the plural scriptures come to be
treated as a unit;
- the "historical" alerts us to innumerable
"parahistorical" elements that
shape our assumptions and understanding
as well as those that shaped our subjects' perspectives;
- the "textual" that we often take for granted
is dependent on and developed from "paratextual"
investigations, both
in constructing the text that we take for granted and in attempting to
find its meanings;
- the "literary" derives from complex settings,
and also easily shades off into the less formalized "paraliterary"
worlds and examples, including excerpts, anthologies, commentaries,
writings for private or limited circulation, and the like;
- those of you who have ever attempted to
define "religious" are well aware of the "parareligious" complications,
which I'll happily bypass here;
and so it goes with most of the general terms and concepts we employ --
all
those ambiguities and loose ends, those things that don't quite fit,
constitute
this often paradoxical universe of "para."
[[image
#20 (outline)]] My plan
now is to
take you on some brief excursions along some of those parallel roadways
that
together can lead to the destination of fuller understanding of the
worlds
alongside of which Jewish and Christian “biblical literature” in the
strict
canonical senses came into existence and left its impact. I want to
develop
briefly the following three main foci, which sometimes necessarily
intersect
and overlap, couched also in terms of perceived problems (as seen
here):
1. The defining
subject matter [historical starting point] --
"bible" -- and the tyranny of canonical assumptions
2. Pathways to
understanding, and the problem of
textual myopia.
3.
Achieving/communicating understanding and the seduction
of "simplicity" (or the problem of applying
"Ockham's razor")
[[image
#21
(outline point 1)]]
1. The tyranny of canonical
assumptions (the
parascriptural worlds).--
[[image
#22 (codex Vaticanus) ]] There
was no "Bible" as we know it -- that
is, a set of sacred writings organized into a single physical object,
the codex
book -- until well into the 4th century of the common era.19
[[image
#23 (codex Sinaiticus)]] Constantine
the Great (d.
336), whose supposed
vision of the heavenly cross and involvement in the council of Nicea in
325 CE
are well known, [[image
#24
(Constantine's instructions)]] requested
that Eusebius of Caesarea (famous for his Church
History) speedily prepare 50 copies of "the holy scriptures" (τῶν
θείων
... γραφῶν)
for use in the
new churches that Constantine and his mother Helena [[image
#25
(coins)]] were sponsoring in the incipient Christian Roman
Empire
centered in Constantinople.20 Eusebius at least took
steps to
comply
-- it was
an impossibly large order, both in terms of hides needed for the
parchment
pages, and the time required [[image
#26
(copying)]] of numerous skilled
copyists, perhaps
female as
well as male, to complete the task.21 Even then, if
"holy
scriptures"
meant all of the writings listed as "scriptural" a generation or so
later by Athanasius in Egypt (Paschal/Easter Letter of 367), they
probably could not be bound
conveniently
between one set of covers. Multiple volumes almost certainly would have
been
required.22
19
The classic treatment of the history of the codex is the 1954 article
("The Codex") by Colin H. Roberts,
revised and updated by Theodore C. Skeat,
The
Birth of the
Codex (Oxford University Press for the British Academy 1983,
republished 1987).
20
Letter
of Constantine, reproduced by Eusebius in his
Life of Constantine
4.36, usually
dated between 330-335; see T. C. Skeat, "The Codex Sinaiticus, the
Codex Vaticanus and Constantine,"
JTS
50 (1999) 583-625 (reprinted in
J.K.Elliott, ed.,
The Collected
Biblical Writings of T. C. Skeat [Brill 2004] 193-237),
193-237). Skeat thinks the letter refers to the entire canonical
scriptures as
defined
in Athanasius' Easter/Paschal Letter of 367, although he notes that
some
scholars disagree (216, n. 28).
See
also Gregory A. Robbins, "Fifty Copies of the Sacred Writings [Vita Constantini 4.36]: Entire
Bibles or Gospel Books?" Studia
Patristica 19 (1989) 91-98.
21
On female involvement in copying manuscripts, see, among
others, Kim Haines-Eitzen,
Guardians
of Letters: Literacy, Power, and the Transmitters of Early Christian
Literature
(Oxford University Press, 2000). On details of such book
production, see
Christopher Calderhead,
Illuminating the Word : The Making of the
Saint John's Bible (Collegevile: Liturgical Press, 2005). Skeat
provides detailed estimates on the weight, etc., of the codices to be
sent by Eusebius to Constantine (
ibid.,
e.g. 217f,).
22
Vaticanus
consists of 1536 vellum pages;
Sinaiticus
is more fragmentary, with about 400 vellum pages known in
1914 (and several more now); and Alexandrinus is now bound in two
volumes, containing 778 vellum pages. Skeat supposes
that book boxes were prepared for Eusebius' shipment, in each of
which a
complete copy could be enclosed safely
(ibid.,
220).
This move to the physical
unification of Christian
"scriptures" in the mega-codex format ultimately did produce complete
bibles (called "pandects"),23 [[image
#27
(pandects)]]
sometimes still in multiple volumes, and a "paradigm
shift" (see above, n. 18) in how one might think about "the Bible."
Most if
not all of us have been weaned on that paradigm, and we sometimes speak
unthinkingly of such things as "Philo's bible," or "the bible of
Jesus and the early Christians," or "the Hebrew bible" and "the
Septuagint."24 But prior to Constantine's time,
we lack evidence
for such
physically unified collections, and certainly there is no evidence of
single
codices containing every writing that 4th century churchmen such as
Eusebius or
Athanasius considered authoritative.
23 The earliest known Greek
pandects include Vaticanus (=B, 4th c.), Sinaiticus (=S or Aleph, 4th
c.), Alexandrinus (=A, 5th c.) -- most of the others are from the 12th
century or later (e.g. Rahlfs ##130, 106, 44, 68, 122); in Latin, the
earliest is
Amiatinus
(Florence): "It is now the oldest surviving complete text of the Latin
Bible. Seven scribes have been identified among its writers and
decorators. It runs up to 1030 folios, each double thick skins
measuring 27 1/2 inches by 20 1/2, and weighs over 75 lbs. About 1550
calves were required to provide the vellum. The
Amiatinus and
its lost sisters . . . give some indication of the learning, skill and
wealth of Monkwearmouth /Jarrow in the seventh century" (
The Biographical Dictionary of the Middle
Ages, cited by E. M. Makepeace,
http://www.umilta.net/pandect.html
)
24 These and similar phrases abound in the literature and on
the internet, as will be evident from a few probes with your favorite
search program. My
own current preference is to refer to (1) "Jewish scriptures" (they
aren't entirely
in
"Hebrew" after all), emphasizing the plurality (scriptures) as well as
the transmitters (Jewish), to (2) "LXX/OG," calling attention to the
heterogeneity of the gradually growing collection(s) of Greek Jewish
scriptures, and to (3) "Jesus traditions" (in various versions,
canonical or not), "early Christian literature," and the like. For
individual writings or groups that became canonical later on, terms
such as "proto-canonical" or even "pre-canonical" might be useful, with
careful definition. Also "scriptures" and "scriptural" have their
shortcomings in historical contexts where perhaps simply
undifferentiated "books" are in view..
I don't mean to suggest that
people were unable to conceive of a
single "bible" collection, [[image
#28 (Amiatinus-Ezra)]] or even to gather such
materials into one
place, such as a container or cabinet or library room. But the unifying
factor
was not how the materials were bound, in the way we might think, but
how they
were listed and categorized, perhaps also how they were physically
juxtaposed
on shelves or in containers.
If Paul had a "bible" that he carried along with him on his travels
-- [[image
#29 (capsa
statue)]] like
the memorialized Roman litterati from about
the same
time, with scroll in the left hand and capsa by the left foot25 [[image
#30 (two capsa statues)]] -- it probably would have
looked like a large and sturdy mail
pouch or hat box, with rather limited capacity.26 [[image
#31 (flying codex)]]Thus
it should not surprise us
to hear those ancients speak, as
did Constantine, of "the holy scriptures," in the plural,27
or
even
of "ta (...) biblia" -- "the (plural) booklets" -- in
the literal sense of the plural Geeek diminutive word, biblia,
that
ultimately came to take on the singular sense of "the
bible."28
27
The online TLG data bank lists over 2500 occurrences of the
use of "holy" and "scriptures" within one line of each other, over 93%
of them from the 4th century or later (from which, of course, most of
the surviving Christian texts come). Clement of Alexandria and Origen
show a significant increase of usage compared to earlier witnesses.
28
Reference to "the
books" is often found in ancient texts (about 65 times in texts earlier
than Aristeas and the Old Greek translations), and is used specifically
of special Jewish books (i.e. scrolls) in
Aristeas 9.3 (contrast 322.2), 4 Kingdoms [2 Kings] 19.14, and
especially 1 Macc
(1.56 "of law," 12.9 "holy") and 2 Macc 2.13 ("of kings ... prophets
... David"). Josephus uses it of Jewish texts several times. The famous
Pauline passage in 2 Tim 4.13 is ambiguous ("the books, especially the
parchments"). When "the books" first came to be used to designate the
collection of canonical scriptures is
unclear to me, but the online OED (under
"Bible")
suggests that Origen may have done so in the early 3rd century
(
in Joannem 5.4 [but see n. 29, below]).
"In Latin, the
first appearance of
biblia is not ascertained. Jerome uses
bibliotheca
for the Scriptures, and this name continued in literary use for several
centuries." OED gives no Latin example before the 9th century.
Origen
of Alexandria and Caesarea,
in the early 3rd century, is rightly credited with emphasizing [[image
#32
(Origen-one book)]] that
the plural
scriptures are to be viewed as a single book. He notes that "the
preacher" warns against "the making of many books" (Qohelet
12.12) and he even tries to beg off from multiplying his own already
extensive
writings.29 But with regard to "the divinely inspired
scripture(s),"
Origen recognizes plurality and does not speak of some sort of
spacial
physicality, but of their unity of focus, in the context of his
Platonic
concept of the ideal Word and his somewhat fuzzy edged canon usage
(lacking,
e.g., 2 Peter, 2-3 John).30 [[image
#33 (Origen's
canon)]]
Although he was quite active in attempting to overcome some of the
fragmentation present in his world of scrolls and mini-codices --
witness his
gigantic Hexapla project, to overcome the diversity of readings in the
Greek
Jewish scriptures as he knew them -- he was not yet possessed of the
one-book
technology that would permit him actually to produce a copy of the
unified
scripture(s) under one set of covers. Origen's unified bible book was
an ideal,
to be realized concretely through lists -- [[image
#34 (Amiatinus
canon list)]] such as this much later one in the codex
Amiatinus31 -- and through collections of scrolls and
mini-codices.
29
Origen, in his Commentary on John at 5.4-6, cites Qohelet 12.12
("my son, avoid making many books") and states that "all the sacred
(scriptures) are one book, but 'many (books)' are the ones that are
outside of those." For Origen, Christ is the one Word, written
about in all the scriptures, quoting Ps 39[40].8[7] -- "In the chapter
of the book it is written concerning me." Origen's demurral about
writing is a special case, since he argues that false accusations from
Celsus don't require or deserve a response -- after all, Jesus was
silent before his accusers (Contra
Celsum, prologue).
30 Origen's canon, as reported by his admirer Eusebius (HE
6.25, citing Origen's lost
Selections from Psalms), includes "22
Hebrew books" (and he gives their Hebrew names). Apparently Origen
found the following works in one scroll or mini-codex: Judges and Ruth,
1 and 2 Kingdoms (= 1-2 Samuel), 3 and 4 Kingdoms (= 1-2 Kings), 1-2
Paraleipomena [Chronicles], 1 and 2 Esdras, Jeremiah and Lamentations
and the Epistle of Jeremiah. He also mentions "the Maccabees" as
"outside" books. Origin also knows and uses materials found in
our "NT," but no similar comprehensive list from him has survived.
31
The Latin codex Amiatinus, from the early 8th century, gives lists of
scriptural books (scriptura omnia)
grouped under "OT" (vetus) and
"NT"
(novum) (see also
n. 23, above).
Prior to the
development of the mega-codices of the 4th century and beyond, it is
unusual to
find more than one or two books of the size of Genesis or Matthew
together
under one set of codex covers.32 [[image
#35 (list of
mini-codices)]] It
is possible that at least the Pauline epistles, or even all four
canonical
gospels were brought together in early second century codices, and
certainly by
the end of the 2nd century, but even then, it is a far cry from having
an
entire NT, much less an entire bible as we have come to know it.33
The
same
can be said about the five books of Moses, although the possibility of
having
them all in a single codex prior to the 4th century is probably even
more
remote.34 [[image
#36 (Ravenna gospel shelves)]]
Such small collections, of
course, could
easily be kept together in a special container or location. Portability
would
be very limited.
32 Early mini-codices
containing multiple texts include P.Baden 56 (Ex and Deut, papyrus =
907,
late 2nd CE), P.Chester Beatty 6 (Num and Deut, papyrus = 963, ca 200
CE),
P.Chester Beatty 2 (Pauline corpus = p
46, ca 200 CE),
P.Chester
Beatty 9 (Ezek and Daniel and Esther = 967, papyrus 3rd CE),
P.Antinoopolis 8 (Prov and Wisdom of Solomon and
Sirach = 928, papyrus 3rd CE), P.Michigan 6652 (Matt and Acts = p
53,
3rd
CE), P.Bodmer 14-15 (Luke and John = p
75, 3rd CE), P.Chester
Beatty 1
(Gospels = p
45, 3rd CE), P.Washington Freer (Minor Prophets,
papyrus = W,
late 3rd CE), P.Bodmer 46 (Thucydides and Daniel and Susannah, papyrus
= ??,
3rd/4th CE), P.Bodmer 7-8 (1-2 Peter and Jude = p
72, 3rd/4th
CE). Skeat argues that "The Oldest Manuscript of the Four
Gospels" (
NTStudies 43 [1997], 1-34; reprinted in Elliott,
Writings
[above n. 20], 158-192) is represented by p
4
(Luke) + p
64 (Matthew) + p
67 (Matthew), from
which he reconstructs a single-quire codex dating to the last decades
of the 2nd century, while recognizing divergent scholarly judgments.
33
Skeat has suggested that early Christians may have developed the codex
to
authorize the four canonical gospels to the exclusion of other
competing
gospels ("The Origin of the Christian Codex,"
Zeitschrift für Papyrologie
und Epigraphik 102 (1994) 263-268; reprinted in Elliott, Writings [avove n. 20], 79-87);
David Trobisch argues that the thirteen Pauline epistles were collected
into an early codex --
The First
Edition of the New Testament (New York: Oxford University Press,
2000); see his online “The Oldest
Extant Editions of the Letters of Paul” (Internet:
http://www.religion-online.org/showarticle.asp?title=91:
1999).
34 All
of the pre-4th century codices are fragmentary, and thus it cannot
be determined unambiguously whether we might sometimes have pieces of
the same codex written in different scribal hands. But barring such
problems, the evidence for possible early Jewish codices is collected
in my online discussions of "Early Jewish and Early Christian Copies of
Greek Jewish Scriptures" (
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/earlylxx/jewishpap.html).
Working our way back, we
come
to the world
of scrolls -- [[image
#37 (scroll)]] a world that
continues well beyond the time of Origen, especially outside of
Christian (and
perhaps Greek Jewish) circles. A single scroll might be expected
to hold
a work of the length of Genesis or Matthew, and although theoretically
a scroll
could be enlarged almost ad
infinitum, in actuality the
limits seem to
be fairly firm.35 Understandably, the earliest codices,
from
the end
of the
first century CE onward, tended to replicate the contents of the
existing
scrolls -- thus the appearance of "mini-codices" in the second
century and at the time of Origen.
35
For an attempt to
determine the
length of a
standard papyrus roll, see
T. C. Skeat, "The Length of the standard papyrus roll and the
Cost-advantage of the
Codex," Zeitschrift für
Papyrologie und Epigraphik
45 (1982) 169-175 (reprinted in Elliott, Writings [avove n. 20], 65-70).
36
See note 32 above, and E. G. Turner, Typology of the
Early Codex (University of
Pennsylvania Press, 1977).
[[image
#38 (scroll/codex
distribution)]]
The
technological transfer from scroll to codex was more gradual in the
general
Greek-Roman world than in Christian circles -- and probably slower yet
in
classical Semitic Jewish contexts,37 although what was
happening
among
Greek speaking
Jews at the same time remains mostly a mystery.38 In case
you
hadn't
noticed,
we are dealing already with "para-history"
-- the often unnoticed
contexts in which the main lines of reconstructed history take place.
37The
evidence for transitions from scroll to codex in the "pagan" and
"Christian" worlds has been presented by Roberts and Skeat, Birth, 35-44 -- almost all remains
of "Christian" writings from the 2nd century onward are in codex form,
while "pagan" literature from the 2nd century shows less than 10% on
codices. By the early 4th century, the ratio of scroll to codex
in
"pagan" liturature has begun to tip in favor of codices.
38 On
possible early
Jewish Greek codices see also above, n. 34. The old "rule of thumb"
that if something
is in codex form, it must be Christian, requires reevaluation. The
strongest candidates for early Jewish codices, using such factors as
the representation of the
tetragrammaton
as evidence, include:
POxy656 of Gen 14-27 (2nd/3rd ce),
POxy1007 of Gen 2-3 (3rd ce) -- see
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/earlylxx/jewishpap.html#earlymss
and
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/lxxjewpap/tetragram.jpg
The Greek fragments of Aquila in a 5th-6th c Cairo Geniza palimpsest
codex also deserves mention (
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/publics/new2/sbl2006-pics/Slide45.JPG).
See further
Nicholas de
Lange, Greek Jewish Texts from the Cairo Genizah (Mohr/Siebeck,
1996). See
below, at n. 46, on evidence from palimpsests and reused scrolls.
[[image
#39
(so what?)]] So
what does this all mean for the
discussion of "biblical" canon and the like? Rather than thinking
about "bible" in the sense of a comprehensive codex book that could
give clear definition to its unity and its contents, even Origen was
faced with
a plurality of writings -- "scriptures" -- to be listed and if
possible collected for first hand use by those who could afford them. [[image
#40 (from
UNESCO site)]] Origen was familiar with libraries in his native Alexandria,39
and
associated himself with one at Caesarea
on the
Palestinian coast when he relocated there. It was the setting in which
Eusebius
also worked over half a century later, and with great respect for
Origen and
his accomplishments.40 We have some evidence of scriptural lists
prior to
Origen and the problematic "Muratorian canon."41 [[image
#41 (Melito's list &
extracts)]]
Melito of Sardis in Asia Minor is reputed to have researched and made
one near
the end of the second century.42 He is also reported
to
have
created a
collection of scriptural excerpts ("testimonia"),
a
practice not unknown in
Jewish circles [[image
#42 (4QTestimonia)]],
especially for the
convenience of someone who did not have access to the full collection.
Around the same
time, or slightly earlier than Melito, Marcion also had his list of ten
Pauline
writings
and a para-Lukan gospel; perhaps they all could fit into a mini-codex
in the
late 2nd century.43 We know little about whether the Jewish
synagogues
or the
"associations" formed by Christians would have had libraries in this
early period. In general, our knowledge about local and/or personal
libraries
is quite limited -- of
course, besides what
ever the Dead Sea Scrolls represent, [[image
#43 (artist reconstruction
-- from UNESCO site)]] there is Alexandria in Egypt, and
Pergamum
in western Asia Minor, and Herculaneum in the shadow of Vesuvius
in Italy [[image
#44 (Herculaneum cover )]]
as early examples.44 We also know little about
the bookselling
trade, and whether there were formalized book lending facilities.45
39
For an extensive discussion concerning the ancient library in
Alexandria, see Moustafa El-Abbadi (1998) at
http://www.greece.org/alexandria/library/library1.htm.
For a recreation of how the library may have looked (UNESCO), see
http://www.unesco.org/webworld/worlds/stills/fullsize/ex3qn.jpg
[alternate site
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/publics/new2/sbl2006-pics/Slide40.JPG]
and (the "stacks")
http://www.unesco.org/webworld/worlds/stills/fullsize/scrolls.jpg
[alternate site
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/publics/new2/sbl2006-pics/Slide43.JPG]
40
See
Anthony Grafton and Megan Williams,
Christianity
and the Transformation of the Book: Origen, Eusebius, and the Library
of Caesarea (Harvard University Press, 2006).
41
The date and provenance of the "Muratorian canon" has been much
discussed and debated. If it did, indeed, originate in the late 2nd
century, it would predate Origen and be roughly contemporaneous with
Melito (see next note). See Geoffrey Mark
Hahneman,
The Muratorian Fragment and the Development of the Canon
(Oxford: Clarendon, 1992), Albert C. Sundberg Jr., "Canon
Muratori: A Fourth Century List,"
Harvard Theological Review 66
(1973): 1-41.
42
Melito's letter to Onesimos, reported in Eusebius,
HE 26.12-14: "Since
you have often requested to have extracts from the law and the prophets
concerning the savior and our entire faith, and to learn accurately
about the ancient books, as to their number and their order, I have
hastened to do this.... Thus when I went east and came to the place
where these things were proclaimed and done, and learned accurately the
books of the old covenant, I sent this information to you. [The list
follows here.] From which I also have made the extracts, dividing them
into six books." Presumably Melito was not sufficiently informed
and/or confident about information available in the Sardis area, and
thus checked things more precisely during his trip to the "east."
43
Literature on Marcion is extensive. Still foundational is Adolf von
Harnack,
Marcion: Das Evangelium vom Fremden Gott
(German original Hinrichs, 1921, 1924
2; partial English
translation by John E. Steely and Lyle D. Bierma;
Marcion: The
Gospel of the Alien God
[Labyrinth,
1990]); see also John Knox,
Marcion
and the New Testament (University of Chicago Press, 1942), E. C.
Blackman,
Marcion and his Influence
(SPCK, 1948), R. Joseph Hoffmann,
Marcion:
on the Restitution of Christianity (Scholars Press, 1984), and
Trobisch (above, n. 33).
44
For a
recent convenient survey of the situation,
see David Sider,
The Library of the Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum
(Los
Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005). Other evidence is discussed
in
some detail by R. Otranto,
Antiche liste di libri su papiro
(Rome 2000);
see also Harry Y. Gamble.
Books
and Readers in the Early Church: A History of Early Christian
Texts (Yale
University Press, 1995).
Research on ancient libraries
is
currently being conducted by George W. Houston (University of North
Carolina at Chapel Hill) -- see, e.g. "The Smaller Libraries of Roman
Egypt" (online precis from March 2005 at
http://www.camws.org/meeting/2005/abstracts2005/houston.html).
See now also Lionel Cassen, Libraries in the Ancient World
(Yale University Press, 2001).
45
On booksellers and bookselling, see Eduard Stemplinger,Buchhandel im
Altertum (Tusculum-Schriften
9; Munich, 1933),
and Tönnes
Kleberg, Bokhandel
och bokförlag i antiken (German translation
by Ernst Zunker,
Buchhandel
und
Verlagswesen in der Anitke; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche
Buchgesellschaft, 1967).
As a
side
note in this para-discussion, we also know little about the used papyri
and
parchment market, although it is clear from surviving materials that
many texts
(literary and documentary alike) enjoyed a second life as reused
writing
surfaces;
for example, a
5th/6th century codex of Aquila's Greek translation of Kings
overwritten with
an 11th century Hebrew Liturgical text, [[image
#45 (palimpsest)]] and
a 3rd century scroll of
Exodus
reused on the other side within a couple of generations to transcribe
the
Apocalypse [[image
#46 ( reused scroll]].46
46 If
the
Aquila
text (with the
tetragrammaton
in
paleo-Hebrew letters) originated in a Greek Jewish context, it would be
one
of the earliest known examples of a Jewish biblical codex (see above,
n. 38). We are told
in Justinian's edict
(6th century) that Aquila was to be used in Jewish synagogues, but the
presence of many Christian Greek texts
(including fragments of Augustine) among the Cairo Geniza palimpsests
complicates the picture. If the Exodus text of the
POxy
1075 scroll is
Jewish in origin, it attests the use of the shortened Greek
tetragrammaton equivalent (ΚΥΡΙΟΥ to ΚΥ overlined) in Greek Jewish
circles. For other examples of similar "reuse," see the online Duke
list (
http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/papyrus/texts/material-aspects.html).
A detailed study of such phenomena would be useful.
So how do we
conceptualize "the bible" in such circumstances? Physically, even if
one has some sort of list, there is lots of room for loose edges,
unless the
list is quite restrictive (such, perhaps, as Marcion's seems to have
been).
General categories such as "law" (or perhaps "Moses"),
prophets, histories, psalms, gospels, acts, letters, apocalypses,
receive
mention.47 [[image
#47 (Josephus passage)]] Exactly what is contained in
each is not always clear. It is
unlikely
that many
people were in a position actually to see much of this material. Philo
in Alexandria,
and after him
Clement and Origen, are probably exceptions; and Ben Sira's grandson
the
translator, also in Alexandria.48
Josephus in his privileged context in Jerusalem
is likewise unusual in this regard.49 But in general, then
as
now,
most
people
must have depended on secondary transmissions for what they thought
they knew
-- public or private word of mouth, whether associated with an
institution such as a school, synagogue or an underground church,
or
within social and family contexts. Those who could read and who had
time and
opportunity to do so might have seen some full texts, but also
excerpts
of various sorts (e.g. summaries of laws, or quotable sayings, or
prophetic
"testimonia" [[image
#48 ("Testimony" books)]]).50 All
of
these constituted
"scriptures" in some sense,
and could be referred to as such, usually without much specificity or
detail.
47
Josephus refers
to "Moses" and "the prophets after Moses," along with four other
books (
Against Apion
1.38-41). For him, "prophetic succession" seems a crucial
criterion. The translator of the
Wisdom
of Jesus Ben Sira thrice refers to "law, prophets" and the rest
of the writings that followed
(Prologue). In Luke 24.44 we find "law of Moses, prophets, and the
psalms." For other listings, see Lee Martin McDonald, "Primary Sources
for the Study of the Old Testament/Hebrew Bible Canon," and
"Primary Sources for the Study of the New Testament Canon," Appendices
A-B (580-584) in
The Canon Debate
(below, n. 61; also online at
http://www.bible.ca/b-canon-resource-list-macdonald.htm)
The
Pinakes of Callimachus
(mid 3rd century BCE), of which fragments survive, includes the
following categories of literature in the Alexandrian Library:
rhetoric, law, epic, tragedy, comedy, lyric poetry, history, medicine,
mathematics, natural science and miscellaneous (see
http://www.greece.org/alexandria/library/library11.htm;
also
http://www.greece.org/alexandria/library/library13.htm).
See Rudolf Blum,
Kallimachos: The
Alexandrian Library and the Origins
of Bibliography (German original 1977; English translation by
Hans H.
Wellisch; University of Wisconsin Press, 1991).
48
Of course we
cannot assume that everyone with literary
connections
who lived in Alexandria actually made use of that fabled library or was
somehow influenced by its presence. Still, the intellectual climate of
Alexandria probably contributed to raised consciousness about books,
and perhaps also increased availability of books.
49
Josephus grew up in
association with the Jerusalem temple, and claims that it contained
written records; see Ant
3.[1.7].38 -- the Ex 17.6 account is found in a writing (graphe) stored in the temple (ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ ἀνακειμένη γραφὴ);
5.[1.17].61 -- the account of Joshua's lengthened day (Josh 10.13) is
found in the writings (grammata)
stored in the temple (διὰ τῶν
ἀνακειμένων ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ γραμμάτων).
Relating to earlier times, there are references to books stored in the
temple (e.g. "the book of the law" under Josaiah, 2 Kings 22.8-13
-- which Josephus reports as "the holy books of Moses" in Ant 10.[4.2].58 ταῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις ταῖς
Μωυσέος ἐν τῷ ναῷ
κειμέναις; see also 62 τὰς ἱερὰς βίβλους ; in
4.[8.44].303 the "poetic song in hexameter" of Moses was left "in a
book in the temple" ἐν
βίβλῳ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ), or at least in the Jerusalem area (by
Nehemiah and later, by Judas Maccabee; 2 Macc 2.13-15), and to the
destruction of such books (see 4 Ezra 4.23 and 14.21). But we lack
detailed information as to whether the Jerusalem temple ever housed a
more extensive or formal library, or who
might have had access to such. Like Alexandria, the atmosphere in
Jerusalem
probably encouraged knowledge of respected and/or available literature,
at least while the temple was standing..
50
For a recent overview, see Martin C. Albl,
And Scripture Cannot be Broken: The
Form and Function of the Early Christian Testimonia Collections
(Brill, 1999). Various types of excerpting are attested in early Jewish
and early Christian contexts: e.g. 4QTestimonia and Florilegium, Melito
(above, n. 42), Cyprian's
Ad Quirinum
(ed. W. Hartel, CSEL, 1868-71), Ps-Epiphanius'
Testimony Book (ed. Robert V.
Hotchkiss, SBL Texts & Translations, 1974), Eusebius'
Preparation of the Gospel (ed. and
tr. E. H. Gifford, 1903; online at
http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/eusebius_pe_00_eintro.htm)
In the "pagan" world, excerpting was also practiced -- see e.g.
the "logoi sofon" discussions by James Robinson [SBL
President 1981] and Helmut Koester [SBL
President 1991],
Trajectories Through Early
Charistianity (Fortress, 1971).
The "tyranny
of canonical assumptions" is the temptation to impose on those
ancients whom we study our modern ideas about what constituted
"scripture" and how it was viewed. [[image
#49 (that sentence)]] Illustrations from
contemporary
literature are not difficult to find, even from those who know better.
Philologically, at the micro level, how often have you seen "the
Septuagint" treated as a homogenous unit from which one can draw
examples
as though they all came from the same translator at the same time? [[image
#50
(oversimplification)]] Or even "the NT," for that
matter, as though it were a single authored lump. And, of course,
there is
"the Hebrew (or Masoretic) text," referring to the heterogeneous
collection itself 51 -- what have we learned when we find a
term or
expression
that occurs a certain number of times in one of these? Historically
responsible
philological work, of course, does not pay attention to these
boundaries,
either as limits (why not also look at appropriate extra-canonical
materials?)
or as touchstones (why should the Greek -- or Hebrew -- of Isaiah be
uncritically lumped together with the Greek -- or Hebrew -- of
Psalms?).
51 Some examples:
E.g.
VetTest 41 (1991) 204, using "the LXX" as a shorthand for the
Greek of the particular passage under discussion (similarly "the MT"
later in the article); E.g. JBL 125
(2006) 441 "Biblical Hebrew" as a linguistic entity in which nuances
can be sought (presumably he means the sorts of Hebrew usages attested
by the biblical anthology).
Perhaps more
serious, at least for historical reconstruction, is the failure to
recognize
that those whom we study are not necessarily playing by our rules. When
they
say [[image
#51 (Resch,
etc.)]]
"scripture"
(or the like --
they don't say "Bible")
it might refer to literature or traditions different from those we
recognize,
or even to materials antecedent to or derived from what has survived
for us.52 We
know that some of what came to be canonical scriptures in the emerging
history
of "the bible" used earlier sources. Sometimes the author-compilers
even claim that they did [[image
#52 (examples of ancient source
citations)]] --
such and such was written in the books
of the kings of Israel and Judah, or, many before me have attempted to
do what
I'm about to do, and the like.53 Why do we tend to assume
that such
sources,
even if we are skeptical about the precise ones mentioned, ceased to
exist once
they had been used, enscripturated? It is equally likely that some of
them
survived, at least for a time, and exerted an influence on other users
and
creators of "sources." This illustrates "para"
scriptural in the sense of before (antecedent materials), and beside
(alternate
tellings). But there is also the "beyond" -- the continued
development (or metamorphosis) of our identified "scriptures" into
other versions, by way of translation, or expansion and incorporation,
or
through excerpting and summarizing, and the like. But this brings
us to
my second major caveat. [[image
#53 (show topic)]]
52 See,
e.g.,
the
classic
collection by A. Resch, Agrapha. Aussercanonische
Schriftfragmente. Gesammelt und untersucht und in zweiter völlig
neu bearbeiteter durch alttestamentliche Agrapha vermehrter Auflage
hrsg. von Alfred Resch. Mit fünf Registern. (Extra-canonical
scripture fragments, collected and studied, and presented in a second
fully reworked edition expanded with reference to OT Agrapha, with five
indices; Texte und
Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur 30.3-4,
Neue Folge 15.3-4) Leipzig, 1906 [first ed 1889].
53 E.g. Num 21.14 (the book of the Wars of the LORD), Joshua
10.13 and 2 Sam 1.18 (the book of Jashar), 1 Kings 11.41 (the book of
the Acts of Solomon), 1 Kings 14.19 et
passim (the book of the Acts of
the Kings of Israel, or of Judah); Luke 1.1-4; etc.
2. The problem of
textual myopia (the paratextual worlds).-- Our most direct gateway to the thoughts and
perceptions
of the ancient world is through the preserved texts.54 I
have
no
argument
with
that observation. But too often we forget, or fail to pay attention to,
the
various contexts in which those texts were produced. Most of them have
past
histories, whether in terms of sources collected and compiled, or in
relation
to one or more earlier editions ("evolved literature"55).
Seldom
do
we
have access to an "original" directly from its author or
compiler. [[image
#54 (some modern
critical eds)]]
We see the texts in some sort of static form, usually as cleaned up and
edited
by a modern scholar or scholarly group. For the most part, we have
little
choice. Each of us cannot be expected to do everything involved
in
deciphering manuscripts and generating text editions.56 That
is one
fascinating
aspect of paratextuality that I can only note in passing here.
54
This section
focuses on "text" in its narrower sense referring to written material.
For modern
theoretical discussions of what constitutes "text," see Elizabeth
A. Clark,
History, Theory, Text:
Historians and the Linguistic Turn (Harvard University Press,
2004), chapter
7, and below n. 58.
55 On
evolved
literature, see Kraft,
Barnabas and
The Didache: a Translation and
Commentary (vol. 3 of The Apostolic Fathers, ed. R. M. Grant;
Nelson
1962) 1-2 (a periodically updated version is available online at
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/publics/barn/barndidintro.htm)
56
Understanding the processes involved in creating textual editions
is an important component of scholarly awareness. For a useful
bibliographical introduction to these materials, see
http://www.the-orb.net/wemsk/textcritwemsk.html,
compiled by James Marchand (WEMSK = "What Every Medievalist Should
Know").
But even
the texts we use tell us that we should be alert to the paratextual
worlds. [[image
#55
(more on source awareness)]] When specific sources
are
mentioned, as in the use of
quotation formulas or with references such as to "the books of
the
kings of Israel and/or Judah" in the Jewish scriptural texts of
Samuel-Kings and Chronicles (above, n. 53), shouldn't this alert
us to the
possibility
that such materials may have existed and left their impact also on
other parts
of the surviving evidence? Will all sources of that nature that we can
no
longer identify have disappeared almost immediately once the
proto-scriptural
books were issued? [[image
#56 (show Luke text)]] When the author of
Luke informs
Theophile and any other
readers that "many before me have drawn up and passed along
accounts
that have inspired me to compile the present work" (1.1-4), do we
imagine that
none of that material survived outside of the canonical texts? The
later Greeks
called the books of Chronicles "Paraleipomena," "leftovers"
or "remainders," [[image
#57
(paraleip)]] and it
is
not unlikely that other such "para" literature has been influential
in the construction of some of the "extra canonical" materials of
which we are aware.57
57 It is not
clear when and
under what circumstances the Greek translations of 1-2 Chronicles
came to be called "Paral(e)ipomena" -- the earliest evidence of which I
am aware is Melito (and Origen) according to Eusebius (above, n. 30).
Nor is it
clear that this was already a title in use in
the Greek speaking world at large. In Jewish and Christian circles, the
title also appears for most MSS of "Paraleipomena
Jeremiou," and in two
references in Testament of Job
(40.14, 41.6). Based on content,
such works as LAB or even
Deuteronomy could easily be labeled
"Remainders" (depending, of course, on what is assumed to be the basis
of comparison).
But
those are still inscribed texts, even if later judged inferior, or if
lost
along the way. My concept of the paratextual extends
also to
non-textual transmission of traditional materials, whether originally
derived
from texts, or originating and surviving from the outset without
reference to
texts. [[image
#58
(oral tradition)]] We
often hear talk about "oral traditions," and the minstrels who would
have transmitted them, even while we depend upon surviving written
texts to
unlock such secrets (e.g. Homer, Psalms).58 But, of course,
that is
but
the tip
of a very large iceberg. Even today, with other sorts of minstrels at
work, much of what we think we know comes to us in non-textual,
less
formalized ways, through hearing of various sorts. Grandmothers are
crucial,
along with teachers and newspeople, and the like. Often that material
comes to
the transmitters directly from texts, but also often not.
58 See e.g. the
survey
article by Robert C. Culley, "Oral
Tradition and Biblical Studies,"
Oral
Tradition 1 (1986) 30-65 (available online; Culley's 1963
dissertation on
Oral Formulaic
Language in the Biblical Psalms was
published in 1967 as Near and Middle East Series 4 [Univeristy of
Toronto Press]), and the 1989 SBL
Presidential Address by Paul J.
Achtemeier, "
Omne verbum sonat: The New Testament and the Oral
Environment of Late Western Antiquity" (
JBL 109 [1990],
3-27). On orality in rabbinic Jewish tradition, see Martin S. Jaffee,
Torah
in the Mouth: Writing and Oral Tradition in Palestinian Judaism 200
BCE-400 CE (Oxford
University Press, 2003), and Elizabeth Shanks Alexander,
Transmitting
Mishnah: The Shaping Influence of Oral Tradition
(Cambridge University Press, 2006). More generally, pioneers
in the modern study of oral tradition include especially Milman Parry
and his student Albert Bates Lord: see
The Making of
Homeric Verse: The Collected Papers of Milman
Parry, edited by Adam Parry (Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1971;
reprinted
New York: Arno Press, 1980), and
Lord, Singer
of Tales (Harvard Studies in
Comparative
Literature; Harvard University Press, 1960; supplemented edition 2000).
See also Walter
J. Ong,
Orality and Literacy: The
Technologizing of the Word (New Accents series; London and New
York: Methuen, 1972); John
Miles Foley,
The Theory of Oral
Composition: History and Methodology (Indiana University Press,
1988); Rosalind Thomas,
Oral Tradition and Written Record in
Classical Athens (Cambridge
Studies in Oral and Literate Culture 18;
Cambridge University Press, 1989
[1992,2003]) and
Literacy and
Orality in Ancient Greece (Key
Themes in Ancient
History; Cambridge University Press,
1992). The Center for
Studies in Oral Tradition at the University of Missouri-Columbia was
founded by Foley and publishes the Journal
Oral Tradition
(1986-), now free
online (
http://journal.oraltradition.org)
as well as an extensive annotated bibliography
(http://oraltradition.org/bibliography/).
[[image
#59 (literacy)]] It
has been observed that if modern estimates about literacy in
antiquity
are even approximately accurate, people with the ability to read texts
were
rare.59 Rarer still those who could write texts. If the
texts
that
have
survived made any significant impact on groups of people in antiquity,
it must
have been mainly by hearing them read or recited or reported or
reused.
Even if the hearers had prodigious memories, as is sometimes claimed,
oral
transmission would be no more accurate than written transmission, and
probably
less so. [[image
#60
(manuscript corrections)]] Anyone who has dabbled
seriously in textcritical matters is aware
of the range of flexibility there -- perhaps some of it caused by
copyists
remembering alternative wording they had heard or read, as well as
through
muddled hearing (and speaking) problems encountered when copies were
made from
dictation.60 [[image
#61
(Jeremiah)]] For
the study of
Hebrew and Aramaic scriptures, the Dead Sea Scrolls have opened more
widely a
window that already existed through the study of the Greek
translations, for
those who were paying attention, as well as showing extensive parascriptural
and paratextual developments from a relatively early
period in
Jewish history -- prior to the development of restrictive canonical
assumptions.61
59 See Alan K. Bowman and Greg
Woolf (eds), Literacy and Power in
the Ancient World (Cambridge University Press, 1994); William V.
Harris, Ancient Literacy (Harvard University Press, 1989
[1991]), and more generally H-I. Marrou, A History of Education in
Antiquity (tr. G. Lamb; New York: Sheed and Ward, 1956). Also R.
Thomas, Literacy and Orality (above, n. 58). According to Meir
Bar-Ilan, "Illiteracy in the Land of Israel in the First Centuries
C.E." (pp. 46-61 in S. Fishbane, S. Schoenfeld and A. Goldschlaeger
(eds.), Essays in the Social Scientific Study of Judaism and Jewish
Society 2 (KTAV, 1992), "under Roman rule the Jewish literacy rate
improved in the Land of Israel. However, rabbinic sources support
evidence that the literacy rate was less than 3%" (end; online at http://faculty.biu.ac.il/~barilm/illitera.html).
60 For discussions about possible dictation, see Skeat, "The
Use of Dictation in Ancient Book Production," Proceedings of the British Academy
42 (1956) 179-208 (reprinted in Elliott, Writings [above, n. 20], 3-32).
61 For recent discussions of "canon" in the light of the DSS
see James C. VanderKam, From Revelation to Canon: Studies in the
Hebrew Bible and Second Temple Literature (Brill, 2002); Eugene
Ulrich, "The non-attestation of a tripartite canon in 4QMMT," CBQ
65 (2003) 202-214 (among other titles); and the collection The
Canon Debate (ed. Lee Martin McDonald and James A. Sanders;
Hendrickson Publishers, 2002) passim.
On the question of alternate versions, the existence of the shorter
form of Jeremiah in Hebrew (as in the Old Greek) is striking, as are
the various collections of psalms and hymns, and the wide variety of
previously known as well as unknown parascriptural texts.
[[image
#62 (paratextual considerations)]] The paratextual
world,
then, was (and still is) full of surprises, from minor slips in
preparing
copies of texts to major modifications in the construction and
transmission of "new" material, or in creating variations on older
themes. This
should not surprise anyone who has attempted to deal with the history
of Israel's
kings,
or the stories about Jesus found in the New Testament gospels. What is
surprising is that lessons learned from those studies are not always
recognized
as applicable to the wider questions of information transmission.
Somehow the
special status given to works protected by canonical assumptions serves
to
blind us to the ongoing processes that were in operation in the
production of
proto-canonical, and post-canonical works.62
62
Here I have in mind the
wide range of possibilities that stand between the creation of textual
material and the production of what has survived for us. Generally
speaking, the "pre-canonical" texts went through the same sort of
development that is so often claimed for the "parascriptural."
[[image
#63 (Gospel of Judas)]] I'm
not about to tell you that the newly discovered Gospel of Judas
is
historically accurate or that the sayings attributed to Jesus in the
Coptic Gospel
of Thomas reflect his very words or thoughts63 or that
David and
Solomon
produced all the psalms and spells attributed to them.64 [[image
#64 (David's
Psalms)]]
These materials came through various
filters present in their paratextual worlds and need to
be
understood in those contexts. But exactly the same things are true of
the
canonical psalms and the fourth canonical gospel, and yes, even of the
much
studied synoptic gospels. All these texts have histories, go through
modifications, and reflects viewpoints, Mark no less than Thomas,
Deuteronomy no less than the Temple Scroll. And if, indeed,
the
earliest followers of Jesus through whom such traditions were
transmitted, or
created, were Semitic language speakers, an additional level of
paratextual
considerations is introduced to further complicate an already highly
complex
picture. [[image
#65 (Some
Titles)]]
The
surviving texts
may be our main gateway to the pasts they are thought to report, but
the actual
pasts are much fuller than the texts on which we initially depend. And
all
texts, canonical or not, have value for our attempts to reconstruct the
processes
that brought us the information we claim to have.
63 E.g. Bart D.
Ehrman, The Lost Gospel of Judas
Iscariot: A New Look at Betrayer and Betrayed (Oxford Univeristy
Press, 2006); Rudolphe Kasser, Marvin Meyer, and Gregor Wurst
(with additional commentary by Ehrman), The Gospel of Judas (National
Geographic Society, 2006); Herbert Krosney, The Lost Gospel: the Quest for the Gospel
of Judas Iscariot (National Geographic Society, 2006); Robert
McQueen Grant [SBL President, 1959] in collaboration with David Noel
Freedman [SBL President, 1976], The
Secret Sayings of Jesus,
with an English translation of the Gospel
of Thomas by William R. Schoedel (Doubleday, 1960); Marvin
Meyer, Gospel of Thomas: the Hidden
Sayings of Jesus, with an interpretation by Harold Bloom (Harper
San Francisco, 1992).
64
The claim
in
11QPsalmsa
27.4-11 is striking: David wrote 3,600 psalms, 364 daily liturgical
songs, 52 sabbath liturgical songs, 30 festal liturgical songs, and 4
exorcistic songs -- for a total of 4,050 -- all through the spirit of
prophecy.
[[image
#66 ("text"
& texts )]]
For
this purpose, I've been
using "text" mainly in its
restrictive sense, to refer to complete writings that we usually
identify with
a producer (author/compiler) and to which we ascribe titles (see n. 54
above). Published
written
products that have survived, as it were. But the paratextual
world is
much broader than those items in their various forms, embracing also
the
materials studied through art and archaeology, liturgy and song,
communication
at every level including language and idiom in its various
developments.
Failure to pay attention to that big picture impoverishes our research
proportunately.
Which leads to my final warning.
3. [[image
#67(show
outline & pause to read it) ]] The
seduction
of "simplicity" (the parahistorical worlds) (or the problem
of applying "Ockham's razor" [[image
#68
(straight edged razor)]] ).--
My life is not simple, uncomplicated; is yours? [[image
#69 ("NO")]] (I'm
expecting a negative response.) Nor were
theirs. Most time for most people probably was taken up with the
necessities -- feeding the body, fending off the natural elements of
sun and
rain, hot and cold, defending against disease, animals, and
antagonistic
humans, producing/raising and protecting progeny -- in short, survival,
individually and also as a group (family).65
Our primary
texts
usually
give a
very unbalanced story, highlighting the unusual and assuming or
ignoring the
rest. [[image
#70 (life on the move)]] Even
if there
was no exodus from Egypt
of biblical proportions -- I don't know -- there were people on the
move at
various times going various places.66
And when they
settled
down,
the same
sorts of problems were present. How did they obtain food, apart from
the
occasional miracle? How were they sheltered? How was clothing produced?
Or
implements for everyday life (utensils, containers, thread, needles,
looms) or
for warfare (spears, arrows, axes)? What sort of public and personal
hygiene
would there have been -- did people wash in the water they drank (or
drink the
water they washed in)? Did they even wash on any regular basis? [[image
#71 (Roman toilets at Ostia
)]] What provisions for
toilet
needs were there? For birthing and nursing and menstruation? How
were
sicknesses and plagues handled? What sorts of foods and medicines were
available, and how were they obtained and distributed?67
65 On various aspects of ancient life, see Michael Grant and
Rachel Kitzinger, eds. Civilization of the ancient Mediterranean:
Greece and Rome (3 vols.; Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988); Jack M.
Sasson, ed., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East (4
vols.; Charles Scribner's Sons, 1995); and at a less detailed level,
Charles Freeman, Egypt Greece and
Rome: Civilizations of the Ancient Mediterranean (Oxford
University Press, 1999).
66 For recent discussions of "the exodus" see Carol A.
Redmount, "Bitter Lives: Israel in and out of Egypt," chap. 2 in
Michael D. Coogan, ed. Oxford
History of the Biblical World (Oxford University Press, 1998);
E.S. Frerichs and L.H. Lesko, eds., Exodus:
The Egyptian Evidence (Eisenbrauns, 1997); James K.
Hoffmeier, Israel in Egypt: the
Evidence for the Authenticity of
the Exodus Tradition (Oxford University Press, 1997).
67 On ancient technology, see Robert James Forbes, Studies in Ancient Technology (9
vols; Brill, 1955ff [2nd ed 1964ff; reissued 1997ff]); also selections
in the two Scribner's series listed above in n. 65.
[[image
#72 (reading
Psalms)]] I don't
suppose
that most of these questions need to be settled before one can read the
Psalms
with appreciation or commiserate with Paul over the problems he
encountered or
imagined at Corinth.
On the other hand, understanding some of the language found in the
Psalms, or
in somewhat different (more practical?) contexts in Proverbs or Sirach,
is
assisted by one's understanding of the life settings of the authors or
compilers. And knowing what life was like in Corinth, or what Paul assumed to be
correct
conduct, will certainly help in reading those letters
intelligently.
[[image
#73 (novels)]] The
complex parahistorical
world is perhaps best represented through the imaginations of well
informed
novelists, who attempt to recreate a feeling for what it may have been
like
"back then." Presumably you have your favorites -- and the ones you
like to laugh at, or shudder at, for various reasons.68 [[image
#74 (movies)]]
And of course, if and when
they hit the
big screen, they may become topics more broadly discussed, even
the focus
of academic study, or joked about on late night TV.69 I've
often
thought about
writing a novel to help capture what seem to me to be situations that
have been
oversimplified or misunderstood in historical treatments. Judas was on
my list,
but somehow now seems less pressing. [[image
#75 (novel
title)]] But the
young man and young woman struggling with
adolescence in the anti-procreative community of their gnostic adoptive
parents, with its quasi sexual eucharistic rituals and its antagonistic
attitude to the rule and rules of the "god of this world" still
appeals.70 "Gnostic" materials are often summarily dismissed
as
bizarre
at best, or generally opaque if not silly, yet they represent the
perspectives
of real people who struggled with life's problems in a manner
different, and
with different assumptions from most of ours. And it is sometimes
sobering to
reflect on how silly or bizarre our perspectives would seem to them. [[image
#76 (fertility
image)]] Ignoring
or simplifying them is to avoid
contact with a highly significant aspect of Christian history, just as
sweeping
under the rug sexual practices associated with ancient temples (how did
"sacred prostitutes" deal with life?), or "magical
practices" in the ancient worlds at large, is to neglect looking at
life
as it really was for many of our predecessors, and as it impacted the
traditions we have inherited.71
68
Some noteworthy novels (sometimes
made
into movies) -- Robert Graves,
I,
Claudius (Smith & Haas, 1934); Gore Vidal
, Julian ["the Apostate"]
(Heinemann, 1964), Keith Hopkins,
A World Full of Gods: the Strange
Triumph
of Christianity (Free Press, Simon & Schuster, 1999),
Nikos Kazantzakis (
The Last
Temptation of Christ [Simon & Schuster, 1960]). For the list
from one aficianado of ancient history, see
http://www.geocities.com/~betapisces/oldtimes/oldtimes.htm.
An
extension of this aspect of historical imagination and representation
involves pictoral representation in various forms. See David G. Burke
and Lydia Lebr
ón-Rivera,
"Transferring Biblical Narrative to Graphic Novel,"
SBL Forum
(
http://www.sbl-site.org/Article.aspx?ArticleId=249)
69 Movies, of course, are often based on novels. For a
"starter" list, see the "Internet Movie Database," keyword "bible"
(then
"based-on-the-bible"
-- http://www.imdb.com/keyword/based-on-the-bible/), including such
classics as The Ten Commandments, Greatest Story Ever Told, The Last
Temptation of Christ, as well as others less well known.
70 Groups called variously "Carpocratians" (Clement of
Alexandria,
Stromateis 2.2)
and "Phibionites" (Epiphanius,
Panarion
26 and elsewhere), among other names, receive ridicule from mainstream
opponents and
critics, but represent significant aspects of late antique history and
deserve to be understood in their historical and cultural contexts,
however one may feel about their specific ideas and practices. See
Stephen Benko, "The Libertine Gnostic Sect of the Phibionites according
to Epiphanius,"
Vigiliae Christianae 21 (1967)
103-119 for a collection of the confused and confusing evidence.
71 On ancient "magic," see Hans Dieter Betz [SBL President
1997],
The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation, Including the
Demotic Spells (
Chicago
University Press, 1986, 19922) . Regarding "sacred
prostitution," Karel van der Toorn surveys the texts and theories while
concluding that it did not exist as a cultic practice in ancient Israel
("Female Prostitution in Payment of Vows in Ancient Israel,"
JBL 108 (1989) 193-205); for a
useful discussion with bibliography see also Johanna H. Stuckey,
"Sacred Prostitutes," online at
http://www.matrifocus.com/SAM05/spotlight.htm.
[[image
#77 (razor)]]
In
trying to be clever, I've invoked
"Ockham's razor" as a commonly used symbol of the desire for
simplification. This is doubtless unfair to William of Ockham and
others before
and after him who shared the same outlook, especially since this oversimplifies
and misapplies the principle!72 The argument was that when
faced with
various
explanations of a phenomenon observed in the natural world the
simplest, and
presumably the most natural, should be chosen. If weights invariably
fall when
dropped, there is no need to appeal to divine intervention in each
instance by
way of explanation. But the proposers of such
a principle
weren't intending to develop rules for studying history, and human
conduct is
in general quite unlike the results of "natural law." Invoking the
principle of simplicity in historical studies may be comforting, but
also is
likely to leave many issues unaddressed. [[image
#78 (Synoptic
sources)]]
Students
of the synoptic problem recognize this when they
affirm the priority of Mark -- that's pretty simple -- but then also
introduce
the Mark before our Mark, and the interpenetration of floating "Q
materials" (or not!) on the developing traditions.73 Similar
things
occur
in
Pentateuchal criticism, where the simplicity of the introductory
textbooks
dissolves in the spotlight of closer analysis.74 Or the
alleged
conquest
of Canaan, or the success of
Christianity under Constantine,
or myriads
of similar matters. Sometimes there are simple answers to such
historical and
textual issues, but my impression is that usually there are not. Of
course,
when we teach, we often need to simplify. But we do not need to hide
from our
students the fact that in doing so, we ignore or compress the "big
picture" for the sake of pedagogy.
72 "Ockham's Razor" is the
principle popularly attributed (thanks
largely
to Bertrand Russell) to William of Ockham in the
fourteenth century: "Pluralitas non est ponenda sine necessitate" (or
similarly),
which translates as "entities should not be multiplied unnecessarily''
or, "keep it simple" -- and perhaps, "natural"
-- with reference to scientific explanations. Probably
Ockham never wrote those exact words, which can be traced to John of
Ponce (17th century), and the designation "Ockham's razor" is
attributed to Sir William
Hamilton in the mid 19th century. For a summary of the evidence see
http://uk.geocities.com/frege@btinternet.com/latin/mythofockham.htm
which reproduces the article on "The Myth of Ockham's Razor" by William
Thorburn, published in
Mind 27 (1918),
345-353; on Ockham more widely, see the two volume study by Marilyn
Adams,
William Ockham (Notre
Dame Press, 1987).
73 See Allan Barr (with a new introduction by
James
Barr),
Diagram of Synoptic Relationships (T&T Clark, 1995
2).
For a recent foray on this front -- even
invoking "Ockham's razor" to help establish "Matthean posteriority" as
the answer to the "Q" hypothesis (p.140) -- see Evan Powell,
The Myth of the Lost Gospel (Las
Vegas: Symposium, 2006), entertainingly
reviewed
by Jim West in
Review of Biblical Literature
[http://www.bookreviews.org] (2007). The same release of
RBL has a review of Richard
Valantasis,
The New Q: A Fresh
Translation with Commentary (T&T Clark, 2005)
by
Joseph Verheyden, which simply builds on the assumed
existence of Q.
74 On pentateuchal issues, see
Ernest
W. Nicholson, The
Pentateuch in
the Twentieth Century: The Legacy of Julius
Wellhausen (Oxford University Press,
1998).
[[image
#79 (magic?)]] The worlds we study are full of
their own
brands of "magic," by which I mean those things that kept them
ticking, or were intended to do so, even in times of extreme
stress (see n. 71 above). From our
perspectives, much of this was or borders on the irrational, even
among
our most rational ancestors in Greece
and Rome.75
Divine forces and their opposites were pervasive for most people,
reflected in
the stories told, the prayers and preparations made, the processions
held, the
monuments erected, even the coinage issued.76 Our use of
rabbits'
feet or
dashboard saints pales by comparison, although similarities are also
apparent. [[image
#80 (household gods?)]] Care for the
representations
of the
household gods was important in the world in which Jacob and the
patriarchs of Israel
are
represented,77 and meat butchered in the context of the
Greco-Roman
temples was
part of normal life for many of our first century subjects of
study.78 To
challenge and ultimately to transform social attitudes to such
phenomena was
not an easy matter, and frequently amounted to compromise rather than
abandonment. Gods may become angels, or abstractions, but the functions
remain
similar. [[image
#81
(Winged Victoria)]] The
"Christian" emperors of the late 4th and early 5th centuries still
issued
coins on which the (former?) goddess Victoria/Victory appears in
various
functions, winged and often by name, although most other Greco-Roman
deities
have disappeared.79 Change is not a simple matter, then as
now.
75
Eric
R. Dodds, The Greeks and the
Irrational (University of California Press, 1951 [reprinted
often]); table of contents online at
http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft0x0n99vw/.
76
See
Keith Hopkins' novel,
A World
Full of Gods (above
n. 68). For an impassioned (and perhaps exaggerated) description of a
situation in the late 2nd century CE, see Lucian's exposé of
Alexander of
Abonutichus.
77
On household gods, see Moshe Greenberg, "Another Look at Rachel's Theft
of the
Teraphim,"
JBL 81 (1964)
239-248.
78
On temple sacrificed meats, see Bruce Winter,
After Paul Left Corinth: the Influence of
Secular Ethics and Social Change (Eerdmans, 2001),
reviewed by
Debra Bucher in
Bryn Mawr
Classical Review 2002.06.15.
79
On coins see, e.g. A. R.
Bellinger and M. A. Berlincourt,
Victory
as a Coin Type (Numismatic
notes and monographs 149; New York: American Numismatic Society 1962).
Close:
[[image
#82 (in
conclusion)]] Keeping up with it
all is a gigantic challenge,
pretty much impossible for any one individual. So we have our
colleagues and
our groupings, our mega-societies with their various subsets and
interactions.
And now, of course, we and our students have google.com and its
compeditors,
bringing home the point that we live in a world where access to
information has
exploded exponentially -- "the information age." For ourselves as
well as our students, a major question is "what or whom can I trust?"
What constitutes suitable
authority on any given subject and
how do I
identify such? Of course, it is obvious that you can trust anyone
chosen to be
president of a prestigious academic society, especially if they have a
Germanic
name,80 but can you trust them for everything? And if not
(or
even if
so), who
else? and for what?
80
Please note that the SBL President elect for 2007 is Professor
Katharine Sakenfeld -- a good German name!
[[image
#83 (method)]] Since even the
"experts" seldom agree on details, it is important to determine, as
nearly as possible, the extent to which expert conclusions depend on
often
unexpressed, perhaps even unconsciously held assumptions. It is not
only with
respect to our ancient source materials and their contexts that
awareness of
those ancient perspectives is crucial, but also with respect to the
modern
scholarship on which we necessarily depend.81 But this
exercise in paramethodology
works both ways. Someone's commitment to a particular modern
theological or
philosophical stance may call into question conclusions about ancient
materials
deemed important for defending that stance, but recognition of that
type of
problem should not result in throwing out the baby with the
bathwater. [[image
#84
(Wellhausen, Harnack)]] While
I may
find that a Wellhausen filtered his synthetic reconstructions through a
Hegelian
view of history, that does not mean that all of his work is
problematic.82 Nor does Harnack's unsympathetic attitude to
modern Judaism negate the
value of
his prodigious knowledge of early Christian history.83
We
need
to
be able
to discern when and in what connections scholarly conclusions are
self-validating, and when they need to be taken with a grain of salt.
Their,
and our, first hand acquaintance with the relevant evidence seems to me
to be
the beginning of such knowledge, and the main locus for trust.
81
For a
recent discussion see Elizabeth A. Clark,
History, Theory, Text:
Historians and the Linguistic Turn (Harvard University Press,
2004). (above, n. 54).
82 A bibliography of 235 publications by Wellhausen
(1844-1918) was prepared by Rahlfs for the Festschrift edited by Karl
Marti,
Studien zur semitischen
Philologie und Religionsgeschichte Julius Wellhausen zum siebzigsten
Geburtstag ... (
ZAW
Beiheft 27; Giessen: Topelmann, 1914). On Wellhausen's treatment of
Judaism,
see Jon Levenson,
The Hebrew
Bible, the Old Testament, and Historical Criticism: Jews and Christians
in Biblical Studies
(Westminster John Knox Press, 1993).
83
Some of
Adolf von Harnack's most solid synthetic historical work on early
Christianity
can be viewed in
Die
Mission
und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten
(Hinrichs, 1902, revised 1906, 1915, and finally 1924; the first and
second
editions were translated into English by James Moffatt,
The Mission
and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries [London:
Williams and
Norgate / New
York: G.P.
Putnam's Sons, 1906, 1908]), and this material is now avaialble
online at
http://ccat.sas.upenn.edu/rs/rak/courses/535/Harnack/bk0-TOC.htm.
[[image
#85 (para para para)]] Of course,
we will doubtless tire of "para
para para" terminology -- if
you haven't already! -- but
perhaps
it can serve us well in a period of transition to more satisfying and
enduring
terminology. After all, our evolving perceptions of the "parabiblical"
(or as I now prefer, "parascriptural") are really less
a subcategorization than an awareness of that large body of material
(both text
and tradition, as well as artwork and stones and buildings) that was
respected
and taken seriously by the people and cultures we study. [[image
#86 (SBL "ical")]]
Descriptively
speaking, we are, and have been from the outset, a Society of
Literatures and
Traditions and Realia pertaining to the ancient worlds from which
Judaism and
Christianity emerged and developed through late antiquity; not simply
"Bible studies," but "biblical"
studies.
Whatever else it may be, when done carefully and responsibly that is
basically
a "paramanic" endeavor!
[[image
#87 (finis)]]